甲午战争的日本近代思想史意义

在日本的思想舆论界,甲午战争的性质被普遍认为是“开化对保守的战争”、“文明对野蛮的战争”,日本方面将这场获得加入帝国主义阵营的通行证的侵略战争美化成为“圣战”、“义战”,在日本近现代思想史上产生了深远的影响。在战争结束之后,一些思想家如内村鉴三转向了和平论,而大多数则如德富苏峰那样走向了帝国主义。     

福泽谕吉的中国批判与日本民族主义

日本近代启蒙思想家福泽谕吉蔑视亚洲,对中国、朝鲜乃至亚洲进行了颇为极端的批判和诟骂。他申言“脱亚入欧”,主张用武力干涉中朝事务,尔后又为战争辩诬。其言行与帝国主义行为适相表里,与二战后日本美化侵略逃避战争责任之遁词亦若合符节。剖解福泽的极端民族主义及其思想遗患,不仅有助于理解日本民族主义之思想根源,还将有益于对福泽思想之复杂性进行整体性把握和认识。     

第一次世界大战与欧美和平运动的发展

第一次世界大战前的欧美和平运动,影响非常有限。大战中诞生的苏维埃俄国的和平外交取向以及列宁提出的和平共处原则,揭开了国际关系史上崭新的一页。大战的极端残酷性使欧美出现了反战、厌战、恐战的社会思潮,并导致和平运动高涨。20年代的和平运动在一定程度上推动了限制与反对战争的国际法的发展;30年代和平运动的绥靖化,为绥靖政策的形成和顺利实施奠定了思想与社会基础,间接地鼓励了法西斯国家不断侵略扩张直至发动另一场大战。这一历史现象对和平学研究作出了独特贡献并给予人们重要启示:绝对反对一切战争的和平主义有时会事与愿违;在当今时代,发展与完善和平机制,恪守和平共处、和平解决国际争端的理念与实践,是对世界和平的切实贡献。     

我的忏悔书

过和平而幸福的生活和以自己的主权来治理自己的事情,这是人民的基本愿望和当然的权力.尽管如此,而我以日本帝国主义侵略者的身份,毫无理由地拿着武器侵入神圣的中国领土,侵犯了中国主权并破坏了中国人民的和平幸福的生活.我以伪山西省政府顾问辅佐官的身份,制定省施政大纲,使伪政府适应日本帝国主义侵略战争的体制,扩大和加强保安队来推行日本帝国主义的侵略战争.日本投降后,我又掀起“残留运动”,有3000名日本人参加了阎锡山军队,组成一支反革命武装部队,将来日本军国主义再发动侵华战争,好作为它的前进基地,干涉中国内政,违反中国法律来推行反革命战争.我是一名侵略罪犯,是日本帝国主义侵略战争在山西的具体策划者、组织者和执行者.宣传战争是一种破坏人类的罪行.我领导伪省政府宣传处并发行日文《新闻周报》和以讲演来鼓吹、宣传侵略战争,驱使中国和日本的人民走上了战争的道路.     

论1917年底至1918年初真假和平的斗争(上)

实现和平,还是继续战争,是1917年底至1918年初举世注目的头等大事。1917年11月8日(10月26日①),布尔什维克在夺取政权后的第二天就提出了和平法令,以最快的速度展开了争取和平的斗争。和平法令深深打动了交战各国劳动人民的心弦,以致两大帝国主义集团的统治者都不得不唱起和平的高调,借以欺骗群众,为掠夺战争继续搜罗炮灰。于是,在国际政治舞台上便展开了一场真假和平的斗争,这场斗争十分激烈而又复杂,它的一些教训至今值得我们记取。     

熊希龄和平思想与实践探究

中国近现代是一个多事之秋,外侮内患,战争不断,民不聊生。熊希龄十分关切家乡百姓生命和安危,力主消灭湘西匪患;千方百计阻止军阀混战,极力推动国内停战和平;坚决反抗日寇的侵略,积极投身抗日救亡活动。其和平思想与实践深邃而伟大。     

江孜抗英斗争历史调查回顾

历史上西藏两次抗英斗争的发生及其失败,给江孜地区造成了深刻的影响,江孜既是抗英“英雄城”,又是帝国主义侵略占领的重灾区之一。1951年5月23日签订的《中央人民政府和西藏地方政府关于和平解放西藏办法的协议》第一条,就明确规定了西藏人民团结起来,驱逐帝国主义侵略势力出西藏,西藏人民回到中华人民共和国祖国大家庭中来。 西藏和平解放后,根据1954年4月29日中印两国政府签订的《关于中国     

苏联早期政治建设中的另一条道路——关于布哈林的政治建设思想

苏联早期政治建设中的另一条道路——关于布哈林的政治建设思想张森林在列宁逝世后近３０年中,苏联的社会主义建设主要是在斯大林领导下进行的,因而深深地打上了斯大林个人思想的烙印。在革命和战争结束、和平发展新时期已经开始的历史条件下,改变非常时期的党和国家领...     

中国参加第一次世界大战和巴黎和会问题

长期以来,人们认为第一次世界大战是帝国主义战争,中国饱受帝国主义侵略、掠夺之苦,不应该在美国、特别是日本怂恿下参加这场肮脏的战争;巴黎和会上,中国成了帝国主义分赃政策的牺牲品,不仅一无所获,反而使自己身上的枷锁更加沉重了。其实,冷静地把中国参加第一次世界大战和巴黎和会这两件     

是我夺去了这个16岁少年的生命

我作为日本帝国主义发动侵略战争的工具,侵犯了中国神圣的领土,并且实施了违反人道主义和国际法准则的杀光、烧光和抢光的“三光政策”.扫荡和平农村时,以射死、刺死、烧死、斩杀、散布细菌、推下悬崖等手段,残杀和平居民;还把俘虏作为刺枪术的活靶,令新兵突刺,进行残杀;又烧毁村庄,使无数中国人民失去家园,彷徨于途;不但如此,我又抢夺农村所有财物,不留余粮,使中国人民陷入不得不吃树芽、草叶或饿死的悲惨境遇.日本帝国主义投降后,我公然违反波茨坦公告,企图复活日本帝国主义,与阎锡山勾结,参加了崞县攻防战、晋中作战、东山攻防战,犯下了干涉中国内政、妨害中国的革命事业和破坏和平与社会发展的侵略和反革命的双重罪行.     

The Christian Peace of Erasmus

The aim of this essay is to show that Erasmus’s concept of peace should be understood as a form of irenicism rather than pacifism. I argue that Erasmus’s basic claims on war and peace do not qualify him as a pacifist, first of all because his concept of peace is non-universal: it is exclusively Christian since it does not include Muslims and Jews unless they have converted to Christianity. Secondly, Erasmus’s willingness to fight the Turks and his call for a Christian war against them suggests that he was not a pacifist. Since the peace Erasmus preached for was exclusively Christian, it cannot be identified as pacifism in its accepted universal sense, but rather as a commitment to the peace of Christendom, and therefore his concept of peace should more precisely be described as irenic. By shedding new light on Erasmus’s notion of war and peace, this essay suggests that his alleged religious tolerance should be considered anew.     

‘The Toynbee Convector’: The Rise and Fall of Arnold J. Toynbee's Anti-Imperial Mission to the West

In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the historian and internationalist Arnold J. Toynbee (1889–1975) conducted a highly public campaign against Western imperialism, arguing that the West needed to acknowledge and atone for its aggression if the world was to find peace. His efforts met with considerable resistance, damaging his reputation as a scholar and a political thinker. This article examines the origins of Toynbee's anti-imperialism in his philosophy of history, his public arguments of the postwar period, and the reaction they provoked.     

Jimmy Carter and the Foreign Policy of Human Rights:

I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built a lasting peace, based not on weapons of war but on international policies which reflect our own most precious values. These are not just my goals, and they will not be my accomplishments, but the affirmation of our nation's continuing moral strength and our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream. ¹
President Jimmy Carter, Inaugural Address, 20 January 20, 1977     

“Genocide is Fascism in Action”: Aron Trainin and Soviet Portrayals of Genocide

ABSTRACT

This article examines the Soviet legal scholar Aron Trainin’s evolving writings on international law. Initially, Trainin formulated aspects of his concept of “crimes against peace” as a sort of Soviet alternative to Raphael Lemkin’s crimes of barbarity and vandalism. Crimes against peace both converged with the larger international movement to outlaw aggressive war, provided a Soviet alternative to proposed international crimes that they believed would threaten Soviet sovereignty, and provided a Soviet response to Lemkin’s proposals to outlaw mass killings. During World War II, Trainin articulated the Nazi extermination of the Jews as “crimes against peaceful civilians,” linking the Nazi atrocities to his concept of crimes against peace. Trainin’s concept of “crimes against peaceful civilians” encompassed the atrocities of the Holocaust while also asserting that the Soviet experience of the war – most notably Soviet sacrifice and suffering – meant that the Soviets should determine how international criminal law punished the war’s perpetrators. After World War II, when it became clear that genocide, rather than “crimes against peace” or “crimes against peaceful civilians,” was becoming the primary concept in international law to understand mass killings, Trainin portrayed the concept of genocide according to the perspective of Soviet propaganda, opposing an international criminal court for genocide, supporting the concept of cultural genocide, and portraying genocide as an inevitable outcome of capitalism. At the same time, Trainin and the Soviets never abandoned his concept of “crimes against peace,” portraying capitalism as inherently bound up with war and genocide. Trainin was the most significant genocide scholar in the Soviet Union, and his work exemplifies both the ways in which Soviet approaches to international law converged with other approaches, and the ways in which the Soviet Union diverged from non-Soviet international law.     

‘God'll Send the Bill to You’: The Costs of War and the God Who Counts in W. T. Stead's Pro-Boer Peace Campaign

W. T. Stead's 1899–1900 weekly newspaper, War against War in South Africa, sets out to persuade its readers of the financial, spiritual, and moral costs of war and in doing so urges them to participate in an oppositional ‘peace war’. It conflates the economic and the spiritual in presenting to its readers accounts of the South African war that emphasize the price to be paid for unjust bloodshed. This article examines the ways in which Stead uses the idea of counting in both its senses – of mattering and enumerating – alongside the idea of moral accountability, to make his case against war and for peace as part of a larger narrative of brotherhood and bloodguilt. I argue that his campaign failed to achieve its ends at least in part because, despite the sensationalist power of each item in his account, the final bill, addressed ambiguously to the individual, the government, and the nation, is unimaginably vast and morally unpayable. His newspaper and other anti-war publications offer a graphic account of the wrongs of war, yet their gothically inflected religious imagery of judgement and guilt work in unresolvable tension with their message of rational individual action against the national project of the war.     

A link in ‘the great chain of Empire friendship’: the Victoria League in New Zealand

With the objective of exploring New Zealand women's part in imperialism, this article focuses on the history of the Victoria League. Through its activities during war and peace, the League promoted New Zealand's place as a loyal part of the British Empire. The League in New Zealand was part of a ‘female imperialism’ whereby elite women in the ‘white’ settler societies performed gendered work to promote the strength and unity of the Empire. Women's work considered suitable for empire friendliness and unity ranged from hospitality and socialising in the ‘private’ female world, to the support of immigration and education. Wartime saw patriotic ‘mothers of empire’ in full force. The article covers the League's work into the second half of the twentieth century when, despite the ‘end of empire’, imperial loyalty endured, entwined with emerging national identities. Maternal imperial identity slowly waned, the legacy of Queen Victoria lasting until local challenges to the process of colonisation became vocal.     

论抗美援朝战争的国内宣传工作

抗美援朝战争期间,我国对反对美国侵略、保卫和平及抗美援朝必要性进行了广泛宣传,后来随着形势发展转变为对支援抗美援朝战争和争取战争胜利进行的宣传。这一时期我国国内宣传工作的特点是:建立覆盖党内党外和城市乡村的宣传网;用社论和时评指导运动;赋予爱国主义具体、可行、人性的内涵。抗美援朝战争时期的国内宣传工作不仅进行了成功的经济建设动员和战争动员,也成功地诠释了民族精神和马克思主义思想意识,掀起了建国后第一次爱国主义高潮,不仅帮助中国取得了抗美援朝战争的伟大胜利,而且稳固了新政权,保证了各项社会改革、经济重建工作的顺利进行,极大地提高了民族自信心和凝聚力。     

Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism: Situating al-Qaeda and the Global War on Terror within Geopolitical Trends and Structures

Two North American political geographers situate contemporary terrorism in the world within broad historical trends and geopolitical structures. They employ Rapoport's "four waves of terrorism" to illustrate the changing geography of terrorism (from an intrastate to an international phenomenon) and place it within the context of broad historical shifts in modes of warfare that envisages terrorism as a form of war stemming from imperialism and state-building. The authors broaden the structural setting of terrorism to include geoeconomics and the concept of relative deprivation, using empirical analysis to argue that contemporary terrorism is primarily a feature of the semi-periphery of the world-economy (middle-income countries). Specific characteristics of the Global War on Terror are interpreted by relating processes of imperialism and state-building to a situation in which the U.S. is facing geopolitical challenges and a possible decline in global-power status. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: I390, O100, Y900. 3 figures, 1 table, 52 references.     

Commemoration of the Great War: A Global Phenomenon or a National Agenda?

During the First World War, people from all over the world were present in Flanders Fields. On the eve of the centenary of the Great War, it is striking that the war is not commemorated as strongly in every country that was involved. This article explores the specific national sensitivities related to the commemoration of the First World War and the reasons why some states commemorate it more strongly than others. The data for this article were obtained through desk research and expert interviews. In addition to focusing on the main conclusions, this article briefly explores some theoretical insights on memory and commemoration. The particular history of a nation’s involvement in the war, the extent to which the war contributed to the nation-building process of the state in question, the extent to which a military tradition existed and the extent to which civil society was involved in the commemorative events are all factors that influence the intensity and the way that the war is commemorated. Another remarkable difference is that the emphasis of commemorative events is on a contemporary peace message in some states while other nations focus on the memory as such. Remembrance of Flanders Fields in particular is only important to some nations. The commemoration of the First World War is, as well as much other expressions of heritage, a historic and social construct.