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1936年7月,西班牙内战爆发。8月26日,在英国和法国的积极倡导下,“关于实施不干涉西班牙协定国际委员会”即通常所说的不干涉委员会在伦敦成立。委员会由参加“不干涉”协定的27个国家的驻英大使组成。英法在推行不干涉政策时表现出极大的软弱性和自私性,暴露出其对德意的绥靖本质。对于西班牙共和政府而言,不干涉委员会的种种政策与行为恰恰给其带来了更大的灾难。1939年2月27日,英法两国正式承认佛朗哥政权,伙同意大利和德国共同扼杀了西班牙共和国。3月19日,不干涉委员会寿终正寝。  相似文献   

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Populations are affected by shocks of different kinds, and wars, a priori, may be among the most prominent. This article studies the effect of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) shock on the distribution of population, especially on cities. One of the main contributions of this study is that it underlines the importance of distinguishing between winning and losing sides, an aspect which until now has been largely overlooked. While previous research on war shocks has also tended to be concerned with inter-state wars, this paper concentrates on a civil war. We take advantage of a new, long-term, annual data set. Our results show that, overall, the Spanish Civil War did not have a significant effect on city growth. However, we also find a significant and negative effect in the growth of cities that aligned themselves with the losing side. These results are robust to heterogeneity in the effect of the war shock, measured as war severity and duration. Although short lived, the temporary effect on growth results in a permanent effect on the size of cities on the losing side.  相似文献   

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This paper investigates the critical role of workers to enhance the resilience of water supply services in cities at war through analyzing the case of Madrid and the Madrid water company Canales del Lozoya during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). We argue that securing the protection of vital urban flows mediated through infrastructures is a key objective of cities under attack. In doing so we contend that examining how those affected by the interruption of these flows cope with the situation represents a valuable but largely neglected form of water management. We illustrate how quotidian knowledge about the urban geography of water flows may have important repercussions for the war effort itself. In a nutshell, the case of Madrid offers an early account of the critical role of water workers in sustaining “urban ecologies under fire” securing the complex urban metabolism while also contributing to the struggle against invading forces.  相似文献   

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This article compares and contrasts the roles of the South WalesMiners' Federation and the Durham Miners' Association (DMA)regarding solidarity activities with the Spanish Republicangovernment, 1936–39. It firstly establishes that therewere far fewer Durham miners in the International Brigade thantheir South Wales counterparts, despite comparable socio-economicconditions. This is explained by the different political culturesof the two coalfields (although at times, both coalfields reactedin similar ways to analogous social and political circumstances).The fundamental difference was the strength of the CommunistParty in South Wales and its weakness in the Durham coalfield.The nature of Communist influence in the Durham coalfield inthat period is then explored. The final section studies theconsiderable and hitherto unappreciated institutional contributionof the DMA to the Spanish Republican cause. It also notes theparadoxical effects of the Communist-supported popular frontpolicy.  相似文献   

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