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1.
Punctuated Equilibrium and the Information Disadvantage of Authoritarianism: Evidence from the People's Republic of China
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According to the punctuated equilibrium thesis, government attention allocation alternates between long periods of stasis and dramatic spurts of disequilibrium because democratic institutions enable minority groups to obstruct change. This article presents a critical discrepancy in contemporary China, where punctuated instability is significantly more intense despite a lack of democratic institutions to empower minority obstructionism. Our empirical analysis further reveals that punctuated intensity goes even higher for Chinese regions facing fewer signs of social discontent. We attribute the intensification of punctuated dynamics to an information disadvantage arising from the lack of diverse, independent sources of information under authoritarianism. Our finding contributes to punctuated equilibrium theory by underlining the function of opposition groups not only as obstructionists but also as challengers to policy priorities. By marginalizing these challengers, authoritarian institutions confine attention to known problems, leading to serious delays in the discovery of and adjustment to emerging issues. 相似文献
2.
Hüseyin Kalaycı 《Nations & Nationalism》2023,29(2):734-750
Rather than addressing the Kurdish conflict in Turkey directly, this study focuses on how the rising nationalist populism bears on Kurdish voters supporting the pro-Kurdish party HDP. There are very few studies on how Kurds are affected by the nationalist populism often expressed in Turkey by the governing People's Alliance (Cumhur İttifakı) with its slogan “domestic and national,” even though the literature offers a broad variety of studies on the Kurdish conflict. To fill this gap, this study is supported by focus group discussions with the Kurds in Turkey who support the HDP, based on a sample of the Kurds living in Istanbul, which is sometimes referred to as the “largest Kurdish city.” This study claims that the populist slogan of the “domestic and national” not only marginalises the Kurdish interviewees but also weakens their sense of belonging to Turkey, thus encouraging them to establish their own national identities. An important result of the focus group meetings is that AKP's polarising policy not only causes polarisation among Turks but also among the Kurds. 相似文献
3.
民主党派在抗日战争时期参与的民主宪政运动极大地推进了抗日战争时期中国政治民主化进程,深刻影响了未来中国政治发展的走向。追求民主政治的强烈意愿是民主党派参与民主宪政运动的根本动因;国民党的独裁专制统治是其参与民主宪政运动的直接原因;国内外要求民主的强烈呼声是其参与民主宪政运动的外在动力;共产党的引领和帮助是其参与民主宪政运动的重要条件。民主党派经过民主宪政运动的历练,日渐成为中国政治舞台上一支不容忽视的力量;民主党派经过民主宪政运动的实践,对民主的理解更为深刻,对国民党蒋介石的本质认识得更加清楚;民主宪政运动是共产党与民主党派合作共事的成功实践,为革命胜利后中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度莫定了基础。 相似文献
4.
Sean Roberts 《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2017,58(4):418-441
Understanding cooperation among authoritarian regimes remains a puzzle for researchers; in particular, those working in post-Soviet Eurasia. Research suggests that autocrats are becoming increasingly coordinated in their efforts to thwart democracy, with authoritarian-led regional organizations offering an effective vehicle to extend autocrat time horizons. In contrast, older studies, including insights from failed regional integration among former Soviet states, suggest that the absence of democracy limits cooperation, although in both cases there is a lack of detail on the mechanisms enabling or constraining relations between autocrats. This article addresses this shortcoming by developing a theoretical framework based around autocrat survivability or “regime security” and applying it to the important case of the newly formed Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), drawing on original interview data with experts and stake-holders in Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia. The argument forwarded in this article is that concerns over regime security create antagonistic cooperation drivers. In the case of the EAEU, regime security provides a strong explanation for the inability of member states to coordinate policy. The implication is that future studies should pay close attention to the way the material and ideational aspects of authoritarian rule combine to drive, but also limit relations between autocrats. 相似文献
5.
Carlos de la Torre 《Postcolonial Studies》2017,20(2):187-198
This paper compares left-wing Latin American populism with Donald Trump. Despite their different social bases and economic policies, they use a similar logic to construct politics as an antagonistic struggle between two camps. Left-wing and right-wing populists aim to rupture existing political institutions to give power to the people, yet they differ in how they construct this category. Whereas Trump used ethnic criteria to differentiate the people from three out groups – Mexicans, Muslims, and African-American militant organisations – left-wing Latin American populists used political and socio-economic criteria. Despite their democratising promises, Latin American populists like Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Rafael Correa in Ecuador undermined democracy from within. Even though stronger institutions might protect American democracy, Trump has disfigured democracy. 相似文献
6.
发挥民主党派的监督作用,是发展社会主义民主政治、坚持和完善社会主义民主制度的必然要求,也是改革和完善党的领导方式与执政方式的一个重要方面。我国多党合作和政治协商制度的不断完善,能够使民主党派通过合法而有效的途径和方式,经常地和多方面地对执政党实行民主监督。各民主党派只有不断加强自身建设,才能更好地发挥监督的优势、提高民主监督的水平。 相似文献
7.
《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(2):217-227
In a framing essay commenting on a symposium devoted to Turkey's role in a dynamic geopolitical world system, a prominent American political geographer presents the case for Turkey's evolution from regional power within that system to a key geopolitical balancing agent, reflecting its pivotal location within Eurasia. After first exploring the implications of the collapse of the USSR for U.S.-Turkey relations, he critically assesses the ruling Turkish political party's (AKP) recent foreign policy formulation of Turkey as a leader/role model of its own "civilizational basin" (Middle Eastern and Central Eurasian countries). Citing a range of linguistic, cultural, ethnic, and religious differences between Turkey and the Arab lands, he argues that Turkey's true civilizational basin is limited to Central Asia, where Russia holds geopolitical primacy, and advocates a broader framing of Turkey's geopolitical orientation as reflecting location, economics, oil, water, and natural interests. Such a conceptualization suggests that Turkey's pivotal role as balancing power may not be broadly defined as a bridge between Europe and Eurasia, but rather as a bridge between the EU and Russia. Also, the country's status as a role model may be more applicable for regional powers sandwiched between great powers than for emerging Islamic democracies per se. 相似文献
8.
党员是党内民主的主体,党员队伍的民主素质决定党内民主的实现和发展程度,党内民主制度的制定和实施也只有在党员民主素质全面提高的基础上才能收到预期的效果,这就决定了提高党员民主素质是进一步发展党内民主的基础工作。新时期,提高党员民主素质的重点是增强党员民主意识。只有进一步肃清封建残余思想的影响、改善党内民主生活氛围、加强党内民主制度建设,党员民主素质才能得到切实提高。 相似文献
9.
Ilker Corut 《Nations & Nationalism》2020,26(3):553-575
This article revolves around a puzzle: the persistence of patient dissatisfaction with the health services as a mass phenomenon in a Kurdish province, Hakkâri, through the 2000s, despite the striking and tangible improvements enacted by the Turkish state. This is, I argue, related to the deeply entrenched conviction on the part of Hakkârians that their lives count for little in the eyes of the Turkish state. Rooted in the history of state‐Kurds relations, this conviction manifests itself in Hakkârians' deep distrust of the very basis of health services received, like the skills and intentions of health staff, causing many Hakkârians to underestimate service improvement. Thus, it is concluded, patient satisfaction among an ethnically subordinated group with health services provided by a dominant ethnic group may be unavoidably informed and perhaps overwhelmingly determined by an awareness of the wider ethno‐power context and its history, irrespective, that is, of material improvements. 相似文献
10.
Daniel Kupfert Heller 《Journal of Israeli History》2015,34(1):45-68
This article traces the pivotal role that ideas about “youth” and “generationhood” played in Vladimir Jabotinsky's political strategy as leader of the Union of Revisionist Zionists and its youth movement, Brit Yosef Trumpeldor (Betar). During the leadership struggle within the movement between 1931 and 1933, Jabotinsky believed that he could draw upon debates sweeping across Europe about the nature of youth, their role in politics, and the challenges of “generational conflict” in order to convince his followers that his increasingly authoritarian behavior was the only mode of leadership available to Zionist leaders in the 1930s. The article demonstrates that Jabotinsky's deliberately ambiguous and provocative constructions of “youth” and “generationhood” within the movement's party literature and in articles addressed to the Polish Jewish public, as well as the innovative ways in which he delimited “youth” from “adult” in his movement's regulations, allowed him to further embrace authoritarian measures within the movement without publicly abandoning his claim to be a firm proponent of democracy. 相似文献
11.
Toms encis 《Nations & Nationalism》2020,26(1):155-175
The interwar period in Europe marks a tendency towards authoritarian leaders in politics as well as the classicizing practices of the visual arts. However, the extent and modality of both tendencies vary from state to state: mapping differences and similarities leads towards greater understanding of each national history. The particularity of Latvian art life is a comparatively substantial use of folklore motifs and representation of pagan mythology, going hand in hand with overall ethnolinguistic nationalism agenda and related state cultural policy. Despite the coexistence of various artistic styles, in regard to content and intentions of artworks, the interwar period can be characterized by the turn from National Romanticism to Romantic Nationalism. The historical outline and theoretical discussion of folklore representations are illustrated by three case studies, analysing the biographies, ideas, and works of Latvian artists Ansis Cīrulis, Jēkabs Bīne, and Niklāvs Strunke. 相似文献
12.
《Political Theology》2013,14(3):347-362
AbstractThe doctrine of church shapes Christian practice around community, producing a Christian worldview that privileges communal life. Authoritarian and/or sectarian conceptions of church will by definition undermine the practice and sustainability of democracy. Democratic practices are needed to avoid authoritarianism within the church and to promote dialogue between the church and the larger community. Resulting, qualified understandings of community may allow for helpful reformation of the doctrine of church and create space for a communitarian corrective to the overly secular and individualistic conceptions of democracy that are currently dominant. 相似文献
13.
Florian Kührer-Wielach 《European Review of History》2016,23(4):580-594
This article addresses the relationship between political mobilisation by raising hope for change and the increasing loss of confidence in democratic order in the Romanian transformation process after the First World War from a regional perspective. The survey focuses on the political discourse of the Transylvania-based National Party (from 1926 the National Peasants’ Party), which gained governmental power in 1928 through regionalist activism, benefiting from a multi-stranded discourse of permanent crisis caused by living conditions that could not meet the expectations of social advancement raised by the general enthusiasm about the emergence of ‘Greater Romania’. Unable to fulfil its promises of fundamental political change and economic recovery after a century of failed transformation, the Transylvanian-led government’s failure marks the moment of another profound disappointment, which saw the public discourse on political order turn more and more towards strengthening the concept of ‘authority’. 相似文献
14.
Jason D. Luger 《对极》2017,49(5):1329-1348
This article revisits the complex intersections of identity and meaning in the context of a world in which cosmopolitanism is increasingly questioned. The role of the artist with regard to activism and cosmopolitan flows becomes difficult to navigate but important to probe. Findings drawn from fieldwork indicate that the artist is highly conflicted; often ephemerally aligned with various social movements that may or may not be related; and in a constant state of self‐negotiation and identity formation that are highly dependent on local context. Intersectionality may be a useful frame to reconceptualize the artist as a relationally connected set of constantly shifting identities rather than an assumed category, as sometimes portrayed. Key to this is an appreciation of the role of the observer in this process. Singapore is envisioned as a place of intersecting identity; so, too, are the artists within it, caught between local context and global currents. 相似文献
15.
Natalie Koch 《Social & Cultural Geography》2013,14(8):769-787
This article examines the elite nation-building project in post-independence Kazakhstan through an analysis of monumental architecture and miniature models in Astana. It considers the role of the country's new capital as a modernist project, in which elite geopolitical imaginaries are multiply inscribed in the cityscape. Drawing on interdisciplinary literatures on modernity and authoritarian regime legitimation, the article considers modernity as a discursive trope employed in legitimating the Nazarbayev government, and one that has various material manifestations in the urban landscape of Astana. The research is based on fieldwork in Kazakhstan in Summer 2009, and examines architecture, monuments, and the 2009 Astana Day celebrations. Through a focus on the monumental and the miniature, it highlights their similar roles in transforming symbols of Kazakhstani independence and identity into objects of reverie outside the field of political contestation. 相似文献
16.
Grigorii V. Golosov 《Australian journal of political science》2016,51(3):367-385
This study uses a nearly comprehensive set of the world’s electoral democracies and authoritarian regimes, comprising 185 country-level observations, in order to examine the effects of electoral institutions upon party system nationalisation. Party system nationalisation is defined as the achievement of substantial electoral support for major political parties on a national basis. I hypothesise that while largely inconsequential from the perspective of alternation in power, authoritarian electoral institutions are highly consequential in that they affect party system properties in consistent, theoretically predictable ways. The empirical test confirms this hypothesis by demonstrating that in democracies and authoritarian regimes, the effects of electoral systems on party system nationalisation are similar in strength and direction. These findings imply that conventional electoral engineering can be used to enable the survival of modern autocracies. 相似文献
17.
舆论监督是一种非常重要而又特殊的民主监督,有其自己的特点,具有其他监督形式所不可替代的功能和优势。要高度重视、充分发挥舆论监督的作用。 相似文献
18.
2001年江泽民同志“七一”讲话之后,加入民主党派的私营企业主不仅在数量上增加,而且在素质和层次上有了明显提高。私营企业主积极加入民主党派,其动因有以下几个方面:有利于个人社会价值的实现;有助于自己政治资本的增加;有益于自身综合素养的提升。私营企业主加入民主党派已经并在将来可能对中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度产生影响。 相似文献
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20.
《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(2):157-168
The paper surveys Russia's engagement, both in terms of policy formulation and implementation, with the main initiatives outlined at the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED). Although coverage extends through the entire period from 1992 to present, a particular focus is on recent developments under the Putin administration, a period characterized by an ostensibly utilitarian approach to environmental management. Russia's response to the recent World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) is assessed in the broader context of the country's problems in effecting major environmental policy changes. 相似文献