Promoting a Different Type of North–South Interactions: Québécois Cultural and Religious Paradiplomacy with Latin America

ABSTRACT

The historiography on Canadian–Latin American relations states that economic incentives, along with geopolitical concerns during the Second World War, have always been the chief reason behind Canadian interests in the region. This article argues that social groups from Quebec had other incentives to establish connections with Latin America. Quebec’s civil society became well connected with Latin American groups before the North American Free Trade Agreement facilitated economic and political cooperation, thanks mostly to the intensive Catholic missionary effort in the region, and positive representations of Latino culture in French Canadian sociopolitical circles in the 1940s and 1950s. As a result, Francophones’ interests diverged from Canada’s main objectives in the region; Quebec’s civil society’s engagement was distinctly more cultural and social in nature. Because of the difference of objectives, this article shows that social groups from Quebec attempted to influence Canadian–Latin American relations to suit their interests.     

Central European Heterotopias of Decay: the Poetics of the Real in Andrzej Stasiuk’s On the Road to Babadag

This article analyses Andrzej Stasiuk’s 2004 travelogue On the Road to Babadag: Travels in the Other Europe as a work that questions the existing narratives about the region commonly referred to as ‘Central Europe’. The main argument is that by bringing forward an original interpretation of ruins and decay — theorized here as ‘heterotopias of decay’ — Stasiuk’s poetics of villages and small towns from forgotten corners of Europe invites an interrogation of the notion of Central Europe itself. The narrative’s dismissal of the very term ‘Central Europe’, because it disregards the mundane qualities of the everyday, is presented as an original contribution to the debates about this region.     

Longitudinal determinants of married women’s autonomy in Egypt

This article explores determinants of women’s autonomy in Egypt around the beginning of the ‘Arab Spring’ in 2011. We show that women’s autonomy over time is a product not only of their individual characteristics, but also of the household and community environment in which they live. Using the 2006 and 2012 Egyptian Labor Market Panel Survey (ELMPS) and multilevel models, results demonstrate that women’s autonomy changes over time. There are large and consistent variations in women’s autonomy by household region of residence and wealth. For example, women in the rural and urban Upper Egypt region are less autonomous than women in the Cairo region, and women in wealthier households are less autonomous compared to the poorest households. Programs aiming to increase women’s autonomy focus exclusively or primarily on women’s own characteristics. These results indicate that strategies to improve women’s autonomy should be mindful of the multiple dimensions of autonomy and have a programmatic focus on changing household and social environments.     

Courting white southerners: Theodore Roosevelt’s quest for the heart of the South

Most studies of President Theodore Roosevelt address his “southern strategy” to revive the Republican Party’s fortunes in a region where it was effectively shut out by 1900. This essay revisits Roosevelt’s approach to the South between 1901 and 1912 and argues that wooing white southerners away from the Democratic Party, more than any other approach, represented Roosevelt’s overriding strategy for the revitalization of the southern GOP.     

民族互嵌视野下的畲族海外移民研究——基于浙南文成侨乡的田野调查

论文以浙南侨乡文成县为田野调查点,基于畲汉民族互嵌的视角,分析了文成畲族海外移民的历史背景、动力机制、发展现状,阐释了侨乡畲族海外移民的时代意义。浙江文成县畲族海外移民既是中国改革开放的时代产物,也是文成县侨乡文化强烈辐射和畲族与汉族良性互动的结果。其深层动因则源于文成畲汉民族关系由形式上的互嵌向结构性的互嵌之顺利转型。文成畲族海外移民案例,标志着畲族历史变迁中的时代飞跃,有利于缩小畲汉发展结构性差异和增强畲汉民族关系的和谐,对当今畲族乡村振兴和畲汉民族关系发展亦具有重要启迪意义。     

‘One Belt,One Road’ and China’s emerging Afghanistan dilemma

This article argues that China’s approach to Afghanistan since the end of the Cold War has been shaped by the desire both for security in Xinjiang and for geopolitical advantage in Central Asia. While Beijing’s Xinjiang calculus was ascendant from 1991 to 2001, since 2001 a broader geopolitical calculus has emerged. This latter factor has been encapsulated in President Xi Jinping’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ strategy, which, at its core, is an outgrowth of Beijing’s decades-long agenda to integrate Xinjiang and utilise this region’s unique geopolitical position to facilitate a China-centric Eurasian geo-economic system. While China’s Xinjiang calculus determines that it shares an interest with the USA in combating radical Islamism in Afghanistan (and Central Asia more broadly), the geopolitical calculus of the ‘One Belt, One Road’ strategy points to a fundamental incompatibility between US and Chinese interests.     

从秦府集团成员仕进状况看区域文化合流

本文结合南北朝至隋末区域文化合流的背景,考察隋末唐初秦府集团成员的仕进状况,其中包括人才类型、家庭政治背景、个体政治势力来源、进入秦府的渠道、个体政治活动空间,认识了以李世民为核心的秦府政治集团,利用争夺天下之机,逐步拓展政治空间,将各地各类精英人才吸纳到秦府集团里来。在此过程中,李世民集团有意识地编织原北周、北齐、南陈入杨隋政治势力后裔,并用关陇、山东、江左这三大政治文化区域人才所长,将他们化入到同一个文化熔炉里融冶,大大推进了区域文化合流的步伐,在中华民族文化融合史上写下了崭新的篇章。     

Identity,social interaction,and networks in the region of Wisconsin’s Holyland

ABSTRACT

This paper focuses on how a sense of identity, social interaction, and networks contribute to the construction and maintenance of regions. Using Wisconsin’s Holyland as a case study, we conducted fieldwork, collected primary data from residents through a survey, and utilized social network analysis (SNA) to determine how it is defined as a vernacular and functional region. While there appeared to be consensus regarding the key defining characteristics of Wisconsin’s Holyland on the surface, our data analysis revealed contrasting perceptions and definitions of the region. In addition, a SNA of self-reported social interactions by residents highlighted a complex cultural geography through the appearance of subregions and expanded borders of the region overall.     

Cartographical evidence of efforts to develop Acre during the last decades of Ottoman rule: did the Ottomans neglect the city?

Using dozens of Ottoman maps from the Central Ottoman Archives in Istanbul, the article challenges the prevailing standpoint regarding the historical-geographic process that took place on both sides of the Bay of Acre/haifa during the last decades of the Ottoman period, and led to Haifa’s emergence as one of the most important port towns in the eastern Mediterranean, and concomitantly to Acre’s demise and negligence. To date, the few researchers who have dealt with this process, especially from the viewpoint of Haifa’s local history, have viewed the Ottoman regime as a passive force that did not act to preserve the status or economic strength of Acre, the regional headquarters, the province’s capital city and the region’s most important town for many years. We argue that the central Ottoman government in Istanbul did not perceive the process of Acre’s demise and Haifa’s rise as a deterministic process. Official Ottoman maps drawn at the request of the imperial centre as early as the 1880s show that plans existed to develop Acre and its region. These plans, even if only partially implemented, would have clearly contributed to preserving Acre’s status over Haifa. The Ottomans attempted to preserve the geo-strategic status of Acre and its importance and made plans to upgrade various infrastructures in the town’s vicinity, which might have changed processes related to physical conditions and powerful technological advances. This approach, which is based on the belief in the human ability to confront and deal with deterministic geographic and physical conditions, seems to have been the foundation of Ottoman planning in the case of Acre. The Ottomans’ capacity to implement these plans was very limited, however, and they eventually had to acknowledge this reality. Thus, Acre was reduced to its formal status as the capital of an Ottoman administrative district until the end of the Ottoman rule in Palestine. In a way, its fate was not very different from that of other traditional centres of Ottoman rule along the eastern Mediterranean coast, whose importance diminished at that time, while new centres that were more cosmopolitan and connected to developments overseas came to power.     

‘In the very eye of the storm’: India,the UN,and the Lebanon crisis of 1958

This paper effectively provides the view from New Delhi of the crisis in Lebanon in 1958, UN intervention in the conflict, and subsequent peacekeeping in the region. The account uses archival material from the National Archives of India, the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi, the UNARMS, the National Archives, UK, and published primary material. Most significantly, the paper revisits the memoirs of Ambassador Rajeshwar Dayal (the UN Secretary General’s Special Representative) who was seconded from the Indian Foreign Service for the special purpose of UN arbitration in the Lebanon Crisis. Dayal played a pivotal role in defining India’s position in the crisis, and through Indian contributions to mediation and peacekeeping, in the UN. Furthermore, given India’s relationships with many other non-aligned nations in the region, the paper takes a broader view of the narratives surrounding the crisis and eventual US intervention and victory from mainly Indian sources, thus contributing to the study of the short-lived crisis.     

Coconut Crisis in Kerala? Mainstream Narrative and Alternative Perspectives

India's oilseeds sector, which includes its coconut economy, experienced drastic changes in the wake of agricultural liberalization in the mid‐1990s. A persistent coconut crisis ‘narrative’ emerged after sharp price declines between 2000 and 2002 in which small farmers in the state of Kerala, India's main coconut producer, were identified as victims of the liberalized importation of cheap palm oil. This article describes this crisis narrative based on a literature review of academic and official reports, and challenges its problem analysis by juxtaposing it with information from ethnographic research with local farmers and traders. The research indicates that local labour shortages and increased regional competition also had a strong impact on Kerala's coconut market, production and processing, which varied from region to region. Furthermore, small farmers, with their diversified livelihoods, did not recognize a ‘crisis’ as such. Drawing upon the ‘advocacy coalition framework’, the article also indicates reasons for the emergence and persistence of the coconut crisis narrative and points to complex processes of restructuring social space in the age of globalization.     

Empire,Colonial Enterprise,and Speculation: Cape Breton’s Coal Boom of the 1860s

ABSTRACT

During the 1860s Cape Breton Island’s Sydney coalfield, at the northeastern tip of Nova Scotia, experienced dramatic economic expansion. Historical interpretation of this understudied coal boom has emphasised the transition towards a liberal era of competition and growing dependence upon American capital and markets. This article presents a revised interpretation, and reflects a renewed engagement with empire in the writing of the history of Canadian capitalism. Drawing upon the work of James Belich and John Darwin, it locates this coal boom in an evolving and expanding ‘Angloworld’ and ‘British world-system,’ and demonstrates how the Sydney coalfield was shaped by the social and economic configurations that developed in the region under the British Empire. During this period, established colonial elites captured coal property and sought to integrate Cape Breton coal into the Atlantic economy in which their region had historically operated. They treated coal as a new commodity to trade and profit from, but coal mining required the mobilisation of credit and infrastructure expenditures that exceeded what was typically required to participate in the region’s traditional staples trades. Large fixed investments engendered economic and political commitments that spurred growth even under highly volatile circumstances, as promotion and speculation drove growth from the supply side and attracted London capital. Overcapacity, ruinous competition, and social crisis eventually resulted, as the Atlantic economy that gave rise to the boom fell apart. This episode reveals the operation of colonial networks and an ‘empire effect’ that produced a distinctive pattern of development on the Sydney coalfield whose legacy would be lasting.     

云梦问题的新认识

自唐以来,学者虽然对先秦楚地云梦的位置、范围颇有争议,但一直都以"云梦"作为湖泊水体专名或游猎区专名。由于先秦迄汉晋时代在江汉—洞庭平原长江南北、峡江地区、黄淮平原淮河以北分布有七处以上的云梦,而汉代的"云梦官"不止一处,楚国(地)人也有"薮曰云"、"梦,泽中"、"梦,草中"之类的解释,因此早期"云梦"应不是专名,而是古夏(汉)语楚地方言对具有游赏意义的水体不大但植被繁茂之区的通称,其本来含义即为草泽或泽草。云梦分布的广泛性和云梦含义的揭破,不但可以较好解决学界关于云梦与云梦泽问题的长期争论,也使我们能够正确认识历史早期江汉—洞庭平原、华北平原、峡江等地的自然环境面貌。     

周恩来赴印度三次规劝十四世达赖喇嘛

西藏和平解放后,1956年4月成立了西藏自治区筹备委员会,着手进行民主改革。西藏上层分裂分子大为恐惧,在西康地区发动武装叛乱。1956年11月,印度邀请十四世达赖喇嘛参加释迦牟尼涅槃2500周年大会。国外敌对势力和流亡的西藏上层分裂分子包围达赖,鼓动"西藏独立",策反随行官员,致使达赖和随行官员思想混乱并滞留印度。1956年底,周恩来在访问印度期间与达赖进行了三次谈话,阐明了党的方针政策,教育随行官员和达赖的家人,争取印度总理尼赫鲁的支持,为达赖最终安全返回西藏起到了关键作用。     

In search of the other Europe: The city of Ivano-Frankivs’k in the works of Yurii Andrukhovych

Yurii Andrukhovych is one of the first writers in post-Soviet Ukraine who created their own concept of Central Europe with a particular focus on the historical region of Galicia as a legacy of the Habsburg Empire. The West Ukrainian city of Ivano-Frankivs’k, the author’s place of birth and residency, appears in his texts as a part of the historical region of Eastern Galicia and the embodiment of Andrukhovych’s vision of the region and, by extension, Central Europe. Showing the relationship of the city to the Habsburg monarchy while referencing his own family memories, Andrukhovych combines the pre-war history of the town with contemporary history. Thus, Ivano-Frankivs’k is depicted by the writer not only through the prism of its Habsburg era, but also through post-Soviet reality. Furthermore, in his first publications, the Habsburg history of Galicia represents the idea of belonging to European civilization as an alternative to the more recent totalitarian past, but Andrukhovych has always attempted to create a new image of modern Ivano-Frankivs’k rather than to reconstruct the Austro-Hungarian past of the region: the subjective and personalized Austrian past of the city is more akin to a point of reference and signpost to other perspectives. Both Ivano-Frankivs’k and Eastern Galicia are portrayed by the author as ambivalent and hybrid spaces. On the one hand it is a peripheral area between East and West; but, on the other hand, it is Andrukhovych’s personal part of Europe, where the processes and figures that shaped the continent gain an individual, unique dimension.     

An archaeology of poverty: architectural innovation and pauper experience at Madeley Union Workhouse,Shropshire

Abstract

One of the world’s most important industrial heritage sites, Ironbridge Gorge has been the focus of numerous archaeological investigations into the area’s early, innovative industrialization. The region’s important contribution to the development of institutional architecture and early social care has not been explored. An archaeological study of Madeley Union Workhouse exposes the complexity of the evolving ideologies surrounding pauperism in the late 19th century. This article broadens our understanding of Ironbridge by analysing the region’s response to poverty and the New Poor Law, and considers the impact of institutional architecture on pauper identity and experience.     

International Heritage Tourism in Rwanda: Paving Over the Past at the Musanze Caves

Through a case study of the Musanze Caves, this paper describes the impact of Rwanda’s heritage tourism industry on archaeological resources. The paper outlines Rwanda’s tourism industry and describes how it privileges ‘natural heritage’ above ‘cultural heritage’, a situation which is negatively impacting upon archaeological sites such as the Musanze Caves. To create the Musanze Caves tourism experience there has been significant non-archaeological excavation and construction in the caves, which has damaged regionally significant archaeological remains that date from 1000 CE to the present. Furthermore, the Musanze Caves tourism experience does not incorporate extant archaeological information into the presented narrative, which is instead based on ‘natural heritage’ and adventure tourism. This situation is damaging rare resources that might help construct new historical narratives to replace untenable colonial and pre-genocide ones, and is generally unhelpful in communicating the knowledge that we do have about the region’s history.     

‘Saving the Amazon’: Conservation,international covetousness,and the politics of research (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

Many justifications have been made for ‘saving the Amazon’ from preserving the ‘lungs of the world’ to protecting unknown botanical wonders that might yield cures to deadly diseases. However, Amazonians have responded to these claims with charges of ‘international covetousness’, interpreting such foreign interest as a thinly‐masked desire to take control of the region's natural resources. In this article I examine some of the counter‐claims that have emerged in Brazil that reflect Amazonians’ uneasiness with such foreign interest in the region. Drawing from my own engagement with rural Amazonians, I share their critiques of the deep global inequalities that they see in conservation efforts and international research in Amazonia. To conclude, I discuss the value of ethnography and anthropological inquiry for encouraging grounded views of Amazonia that challenge abstracted notions of the region, including that of the monolithic rainforest in need of ‘saving’.     

An Exemplary Leader?: New Zealand and Decolonization of the Cook Islands and Niue

ABSTRACT

New Zealand is proud of its decolonization record: Prime Minister Peter Fraser’s role in developing provisions for non-self-governing territories in the United Nations; New Zealand’s support for the 1960 declaration on colonialism; its leadership on decolonization in the Pacific; the innovative decolonization solution of self-government in free association with New Zealand adopted by the Cook Islands in 1965, and similar arrangement by Niue in 1974. This record is ascribed to a New Zealand belief in self-determination. Closer examination shows many officials, ministers and parliamentarians were opposed to self-government for the Cook Islands, and concerns lingered about Niue. The arrangements reached reflected New Zealand’s reluctance to let go. Yet self-government was granted, in the context of a reassuring New Zealand view of itself as the centre of the South Pacific region. With new competition for influence in the region, it is important that New Zealand does not seek to constrain the Cook Islands’ and Niue’s self-government and potential future self-determination.