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1.
俞芹 《神州》2011,(1):28-28
社会公平是社会和谐的重要保证,而教育公平是社会公平的重要内容。教育公平是提高社会整体素质的一个基本措施,是实现社会和谐和可持续发展的重要手段,也是实现社会良好运行的重要保障。  相似文献   

2.
郭风波 《攀登》2012,(4):137-139
党的十七大报告中指出:教育是民族振兴的基石,社会公平的重要基础。胡锦涛总书记在全国教育大会上提出"必须优先发展教育、必须坚持以人为本、必须坚持改革创新、必须促进教育公平、必须重视教育质量"的"五个必须"。教育公平包含起点公平、过程公平和结果公平三个环节,包括形式公平、信度公平和效度公平三种境界。而只有在效度上实现公平,才是真正的教育公平。  相似文献   

3.
蓝威 《沧桑》2010,(3):51-52,93
教育公平是社会公平的起点。本文从教育公平思想的历史演进为出发点,以罗尔斯正义论为视角对教育公平的基本内涵进行再认识,并从法理的角度对教育平等、教育机会均等、教育效率和教育公平保障等进行思考。  相似文献   

4.
实现优质公共教育资源共享是保障教育公平,实现教育信息化可持续发展的的重要内容。社会信息化鸿沟是社会领域信息公平问题,它是诸多现实制约因素合力的结果,可以分为显性与隐性两类。认识和消除社会信息化鸿沟,克服制约教育信息化建设中的数字鸿沟障碍,是实现教育公平的关键。  相似文献   

5.
覃冬菊 《神州》2012,(16):17-17
班级是学校的基本单位,班级管理的好坏与教育公平理念有密切关系。教育公平是人生公平的起点,而人生的起点在小学,小学班级管理中是否充分体现教育公平,已成为社会关注的课题。本文就当前农村小学班级管理中的不公平现象进行分析,并试着寻找相应对策,努力使学生从人生的起点——小学开始就伴随着教育公平。  相似文献   

6.
教育公平是我国教育事业发展过程中长期存在的问题,教育不公平不仅侵害了青少年的受教育权力,也会导致社会矛盾加剧,影响社会稳定。正确解决教育公平问题,对促进我国教育事业的发展和人才的培养有着不可忽略的重要意义。本文主要通过阐述教育公平的内涵,探讨当前我国教育公平存在的问题、产生的原因,并提出了相关对策。人人平等的享受教育机会是当代高等教育追求的目标之一,也是教育工作者追求的永恒目标。随着我国高等教育逐步  相似文献   

7.
向红华 《神州》2013,(18):243-243,245
教育公平是社会公平的重要基础。在湖南省制定教育强省目标下,长沙市致力推进义务教育均衡发展。但教育资源分配不均衡、“择校热”等问题仍然非常突出。本研究通过分析长沙市在促进义务教育公平取得一定成效基础上,分析当前促进义务教育公平面临的主要困境和原因,找出解决对策。  相似文献   

8.
魏兵兵  杨敏 《神州》2013,(21):204-204
近年来,少数民族教育优惠政策的公平与公正性问题引起了社会的广泛关注。本文拟从少数民族享受教育优惠政策的原因、现行教育优惠政策的弊端以及解决问题的建议三个方面,对少数民族教育平等权问题进行探讨,旨在寻求解决少数民族平等权的正确方法,实现教育领域的公平正义。  相似文献   

9.
本刊记者 《世界》2006,(9):6-10
这次访谈以效率、公平、公正相互关系为研究对象,分5个部分展开论述。首先,从当前收入分配差距扩大、社会公平不足等现象及人们的不同看法出发,提出必须进一步解决有关的理论和实践问题,以及如何树立正确的公正观问题。第二,综合分析了“效率优先,兼顾公平”这一提法的历史背景,论证了它的合理性和局限。第三,从社会公平,即收入分配全过程的角度,分析我国当前社会公平不足的主要表征及其影响。第四,提出促进社会公平的7点政策建议,以及“坚持效率优先,注重社会公平”的总体原则。最后,论述了中国共产党人完整的公正观及其内涵,强调在追求社会公平这一理想的长期进程中,要严格区分目标和过程,使人民群众逐步得到满足。  相似文献   

10.
史新宇 《神州》2013,(32):111-111
随着社会的进步,文化科技的飞速发展,十八大的胜利召开,教育公平再一次成为全社会讨论的热点话题。我国地大物博,人口众多,所以在实现教育公平时存在很多的问题,尤其是城乡之间教育水平差距过大,相较于城市,农村无论在教育环境上,还是教育资源上,都十分落后。  相似文献   

11.
Kristin Reynolds 《对极》2015,47(1):240-259
Many studies have documented the benefits of urban agriculture, including increased food access, job creation, educational opportunities, and green space. A focus on its social benefits has fed an association of urban agriculture with social justice, yet there is a distinction between alleviating symptoms of injustice (such as disparate access to food or environmental amenities) and disrupting structures that underlie them. Despite its positive impacts, urban agriculture systems may reinforce inequities that practitioners and supporters aim to address. This paper reports findings from a 2‐year study of urban agriculture in New York City, which found race‐ and class‐based disparities among practitioners citywide. Using the lens of critical race theory, it argues that a failure to examine urban agriculture's role in either supporting or dismantling unjust structures may perpetuate an inequitable system. The paper concludes with recommendations for urban agriculture supporters and scholars to help advance social justice at structural levels.  相似文献   

12.
A central divide in philosophical thought about international distributive justice separates 'social' from 'cosmopolitan' liberalism. These views differ about the nature of the problem of international justice: social liberals are primarily concerned about fairness to states or societies, whereas cosmopolitan liberals are concerned about fairness to individuals. This article explores three reasons why philosophers interested in international distributive justice often regard social liberalism as the more plausible view. These reasons have to do with alleged differences between domestic and international society: empirical beliefs about the sources of backwardness; and moral preconceptions about the fairest allocation of the costs of irresponsible economic and population policies. The article argues that none of these reasons is persuasive, and that the deep ethical distinction between the domestic and the international realms, on which social liberalism depends, is more difficult to defend that many philosophers have thought.  相似文献   

13.
This paper considers workers' strategies to secure jobs, the justice of these strategies, and the spatial scales which they involve. It is argued that the justice of such strategies is strongly bound up with the scales at which they are enacted: the morality of social relations is intrinsically geographical. The paper discusses strategies within which workers compete individually or collectively for a given geographically-structured supply of jobs, including the use of social oppressions and territorial chauvinism in such competition. It contrasts these strategies with actions which challenge social oppression within employment, and which seek to know, contest and control flows of capital at large spatial scales. These latter strategies present a radical alternative to mutual competition, and embody different notions of economic justice. All of these strategies are analysed for the relations among workers and between workers and capital which they construct, the scales at which these relations are played out, the political ideologies they involve, and the moral notions generated and deployed. It is argued that to understand these different moralities, justice needs to be conceptualised not as rights understood as quasi-property of individuals but rather as a moral aspect of social relations. Accordingly, the ‘geography of justice’ is conceived as the geography of these social relations rather than geographical patterns of (dis)advantage. It is argued that the ‘interests’ of individuals and of collectives are not given objectively by social structure but are constructed through and between different feasible strategies of action; this has implications for the problem which selfishness poses to socialist economic strategies.  相似文献   

14.
This contribution introduces an exercise in epistemic justice to the study of everyday nationalism in post‐conflict, transnational (local and international) encounters. It explores how everyday nationalism, in often unexpected and hidden ways, underpinned a cocreational, educational project involving several local (Albanian) and international (British based) university students and staff collaborating on the theme of post‐war memory and reconciliation in Kosovo. The set‐up resembled a microcosm of transnational social encounters in project collaborations in which the problem of nationalism, typically, is associated with one side only: here, the Kosovars. Guided by Goffman's (1982) social interactionist framework, the study employs selected participants' paraethnographic and auto‐ethnographic reflections of their project experiences and practices after the event in order to trace the everyday workings of mutual assumptions and constructions of a national self and other for all sides involved. In this, it explores how the project participants' asymmetric positioning within a wider, global context of unequal power relations shaped their vernacular epistemologies of belonging and identity. It thereby excavated what otherwise taken‐for‐granted criteria can become relevant in such local/international social encounters as reflected upon and how the enduring power imbalances underpinning these might best be redressed.  相似文献   

15.
The concept of environmental injustice raises difficult questions about on how best to measure and address environmental inequities across space, and environmental justice politics are permeated by considerable debate over the nature and spatial extent of both problem and possible solutions. This paper theorizes the politics of environmental justice as a politics of scale in order to explore how environmental justice activists respond to the scalar ambiguity inherent in the political concept of environmental justice. With a case study of a controversy over a proposed polyvinylchloride production facility in rural Convent, Louisiana, I develop the concept of scale frames and counter-scale frames as strategic discursive representations of a social grievance that do the work of naming, blaming, and claiming, with meaningful reference to particular geographic scales. The significance of scale is expressed alternatively within these frames as an analytical spatial category, as scales of regulation, as territorial framework(s) for cultural legitimacy, and as a means of inclusion, exclusion and legitimation.  相似文献   

16.
颜广明 《攀登》2009,28(4):5-10
社会公正是关系到当代中国社会发展的重大课题。邓小平作为我国改革开放的总设计师,对社会公正问题从事关社会发展全局的高度作出了深入思考与精辟论述。在当前构建社会主义和谐社会的进程中,认真研究和深刻把握邓小平关于社会公正的思想,具有极其重大的理论价值和实践意义。  相似文献   

17.
依据"新社会经济发展的公正理念"首议的"新区域经营"管理思想,从空间公正角度创立了将其耦合到区域发展规划的系统理念。当代人文社会科学与区域学科出现了"社会公正"转向探讨的系列"新"前沿理念。地理学提出了新人文地理学逻辑,社会行政的公共管理也提出了新公共管理逻辑。将空间公正与社会公正耦合到区域生活空间单元体系,为此"新区域经营"提出了"社会与区域价值统一"的原理。论文以新人文地理学的"社会生活空间质量观"为基础,阐述了"空间体系价值统一规划"机理、原则与控制性路径;其次,论证了其构建的价值体系响应及构成因素响应结构;最后,论述了新区域经营观对生活质量价值统一的两个层次控制规划规则与路径。  相似文献   

18.
Over the past decade or more there has been a growing concern at the levels of educational underachievement within loyalist working-class areas of Northern Ireland. The inability of both educational and social policy initiatives over the past decade to improve the situation in any meaningful way has raised important questions concerning how the problem can be tackled more effectively. Placing the issue within the theoretical framework of Gramsci's hegemony, this paper argues that there is a need to better understand the historical nature of the problem and to recognise the political and social forces that have shaped its existence. It argues that there is a need to move away from explaining Protestant underachievement simply by the availability of jobs in Ulster's industrial past and to place its roots in the complex battle for social, political, and economic power since the 1801 Act of Union.  相似文献   

19.
This article explores the ways in which the idea of social justice has been utilized during this century as an idée-force in Chilean politics. It stresses the Catholic background of the concept and shows how it has been adapted to the political objectives of several doctrinal streams. The idea of social justice has been a powerful ideological instrument for governments in their attempts to deal with the social expectations of the electorate and to create a broad consensus between different political and social sectors. This idea has also been historically related to an active state role in the search for equity through income distribution and the adoption of progressive social legislation. While the recent military government (1973-90) radically reformulated both the social function of the state and the official definition of social justice, the current democratic authorities seem to have readopted the idea of social justice as a key element in their ideological discourse.  相似文献   

20.
zge Yaka 《对极》2019,51(1):353-372
This article introduces a notion of socio‐ecological justice based on theoretically informed empirical research on community struggles against run‐of‐river hydropower plants in Turkey. Framing this particular case as representative of a broader movement for environmental commons, and adopting an action‐theoretical perspective, it translates the emergent justice claims produced by grassroots environmental movements to the conceptual vocabulary of the theory of justice. Using Fraser's tripartite model as a starting point, it explores possibilities of expanding the borders of justice as a concept. Maintaining the intrinsic relationship between social and ecological phenomena, it calls for rethinking “sociality” and “social justice” in the light of a relational ontology of human and non‐human worlds. The notion of socio‐ecological justice, thus, extends the community of justice, framing the relational existence of human and non‐human ecologies as a matter of justice.  相似文献   

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