何为宰相

我们在阅读史籍、小说或是欣赏影视作品时,常常会看到宰相一词,“宰相狄仁杰”、“宰相刘罗锅”早已是家喻户晓,人所尽知。那么,什么是宰相呢？确切的说,中国古代辅佐国君或皇帝,总理国家政务的最高行政长官,通称为宰相。     

子贡总算保住了鲁国

春秋时期,诸侯割据,战争频繁。 齐国是个大国,齐简公做国君的时候,拜陈恒为宰相。陈恒生怕国书和高无丕这两个大臣同他争夺权位,便怂恿齐简公派他们出去打仗,进攻鲁国。     

试论两汉魏晋南北朝时期宰相制度的发展

宰相制度是中国封建社会时期的重要政治制度。两汉魏晋南北朝时期是宰相制度发展的重要阶段,宰相制由两汉的三公制发展到隋唐时期的三省制。本文说明了宰相制度在两汉魏晋南北朝时期的发展,并着重讨论了这个时期各个阶段谁为宰相的问题。     

唐代宰相制演变的七个特点

唐代宰相制度是中国历史上极为重要的政治制度,是唐代官制的一个重要组成部分。它上承秦汉宰相制度,又直接因袭隋制,并随着封建专制制度的不断发展而发展变化。其宰相制度演变之频繁,机构之庞大,宰相人数之多,制度之完善和系统,对加强封建中央集权作用之显以及对中外历史影响之深远,为世界历史所罕见。而这些纷繁复杂的特点,无不与君权与相权的矛盾斗争密切相关。君权与相权的矛盾斗争直接制约着相权的争压和演变,进而影响着唐代历史的兴衰更替。     

金朝致仕制度浅议

致仕又叫“致事”、“告老”“休致”等。即把官职退还给国君之意。早在商朝便出现致仕的萌芽。“伊尹既复政厥辟,将告归。”《春秋·公羊传·宣公元年》载:“退而致仕。”何休注曰:“致仕,还禄位于君。”另据《礼记·曲礼》记载:“大夫七十而致事。”郑玄注云:“致其所掌之事于君而告老。”可见,这一制度中经西周,到了春秋时期遂成为政治制度的一项重要内容,后被历朝所沿袭并有所发展和完善。     

包拯未做过宰相

传统戏中,包公经常被称为“包相爷”,其实包拯从来都没有做过宰相。 宋朝处于宰相制度的调整期,正副宰相同设,多相并行,编制也不固定。很明显,“多相并行”的目的在于分散相权。北宋前期,中书门下的长官为正宰相,亦称“同中书门下平章事”,副宰相称“参知政事”。后来参知政事与正宰相基本无差别,使正宰相事权更为分散。     

论唐代宰相对科举录取的干预

在唐代,科举的录取受到很多因素影响,其中来自当朝宰相的干预则普遍而强大。宰相对科举录取的干预分为制度内和制度外两种形式,它们相互独立排斥,此消彼长,形成了科举制度史上独特风貌。     

《材不材斋文集》评介

《材不材斋文集》(三秦出版社,2006年)是祝总斌先生学术论文的结集。祝先生的治史范围,就断代而言,重点在秦汉魏晋南北朝,而对魏晋南北朝用力尤多;从专题史来说,重点是政治制度、古代史学,而尤以研究宰相制度、法律制度名家。对宰相制度的研究,祝先生在十多年前已有专著出版,即     

拜谒三宰相墓

宰相,是中国封建社会的最高行政长官。宰是主持,相是辅佐之意,它始于秦代,以后随着朝代的更替,宰相的名称虽然有所变化,但它的职责却是稳定的。在“万般皆下品,唯有读书高”的封建时代,一个家庭出现一个宰相,不仅是全家光荣,更是全族光荣的事情。而一个家庭出了三个宰相,这不得不让我们觉得是一个谜。     

相与非相的历史选择——明代阁臣官场处境浅析

阁臣是明代官僚群体中一个特殊的组成部分,在中枢权力链上处在原本属于宰相的环节,但制度并未赋予其相应的宰相的权责,其地位似相非相。官场处境被动、尴尬而微妙,进退之间受到祖制、皇帝、部臣、宦官及言路等的强力制约,始终无法达到或恢复前朝宰相的权力水平。     

Canada’s Israel Policy under Justin Trudeau: Rejecting or Reinforcing the Legacy of Stephen Harper?

Scholars of Canadian politics have noted that the Prime Minister plays a dominant role in shaping domestic and foreign policy. This article examines the role of the Prime Minister in shaping Canadian foreign policy toward Israel since 1993 and shows the central role that the Prime Minister has played on this issue. It specifically argues that Stephen Harper produced a noticeable pro-Israel shift in Canada’s policy and moved Canada away from the multilateralist approach pursued by Jean Chrétien and, to a lesser extent, Paul Martin. But this article also argues that Justin Trudeau has so far embraced a policy that largely reinforces the approach of Harper rather than rejecting it. Thus, one practical implication of the dominant role of the Prime Minister in shaping Canada’s policy toward Israel is that Canada has become more one-sided in its support of Israel in the past two decades.     

稻盛和夫掌舵日航的前景分析

日本著名企业家稻盛和夫已经从经营第一线退出多年。然而,2010年1月,日本首相鸠山由纪夫做出决断,77岁的稻盛和夫出任日航的首席执行官。此举在日本社会引起强烈反响,虽然有反对和质疑的声音,但更多的人对稻盛和夫的重新出山持乐观态度。本文分析了日航重组的背景、鸠山首相请稻盛担此重任的原因。本文认为,稻盛和夫经营哲学作为改变企业人心的“良方”,结合成本管理等有效的经营手段,有望使日航走出低谷。     

Canadian Diplomacy and the 1982 Falklands War

As a case study, Canadian diplomacy during the Falklands War is emblematic of the confused, and at times contradictory, components of Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's utopic and idealistic foreign policy. Canada's diplomatic actions during the war were based on four principles. The first, and most significant, was the safeguarding of what were deemed to be Canada's economic interests: chiefly nuclear exports. The second was Trudeau's ‘Third Option’ policy and the belief of ‘the vital importance of the North-South dynamic to Canada’. Third was the desire to distance Canadian foreign policy, economics, and military commitments from those of both the United States and Great Britain. Trudeau had mixed feelings about the Commonwealth and disliked both President Ronald Reagan and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Lastly, during the war Canadian politicians and diplomats took the position of an ambiguous neutrality to protect and promote what they perceived to be Canadian interests. Many of the political and economic decisions made by Canada during the Falklands War were met by harsh criticism nationally and internationally in both public and political spheres.     

Rhetorically defining a social institution: how leaders have framed same-sex marriage

Questions about the definition, meaning and limits of marriage have become a topic of fierce political debate in advanced Western democracies over the past decade as political leaders have sought to grapple with the issue of same-sex marriage. The rhetorical choices of leaders as they have made the case for or against moving away from traditional definitions of marriage have been central to shaping the national debate within different jurisdictions. This article applies the theoretical lens of ‘discursive institutionalism’ (Schmidt) and the analytical purchase of ‘rhetorical political analysis’ (Finlayson) to compare the rhetoric of Prime Minister David Cameron in the UK, Prime Minister Tony Abbott in Australia, and President Obama in the USA. We argue that Cameron and Obama have, in different ways, each sought to discursively re-define the institution of marriage by drawing on elements already endogenous to the institution itself.     

Interview with Romano Prodi

On the occasion of the Conference on the State of Italy, held at Brown University's Watson Institute for International Studies on 29–30 October 2013, David Kertzer interviewed former two-time Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi. Their focus was on the evolution of Prodi's involvement in Italian government and politics. This first in what is planned to be two such interviews examines Prodi's initial move from an economics professor at the University of Bologna interested in the study of political economy and industrial policy, to a major figure in implementing industrial policy in Italy. It looks at his brief stint as Minister of Industry under Giulio Andreotti, his founding of the influential industrial study group Nomisma, and then his presidency of the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI), Italy's giant holding company. With the crisis of the Italian political system in the early 1990s, Prodi was central to the creation of a new centre-left coalition, named L'Ulivo (the Olive Tree), an experience he recalls here, along with his first experience as Prime Minister, from 1996 to 1998.     

英国卡拉汉政府与1978年欧洲货币体系谈判

1978年是欧共体国家就建立欧洲货币体系议题进行谈判的关键一年。英国卡拉汉政府怀疑这一倡议的初衷是以英镑升值为代价来阻止德国马克走强,因此从一开始就对它缺乏热情,加上在资源转让和汇率干预机制选择等问题上的主张无法实现,英国最终决定不加入欧洲货币体系的核心安排——汇率机制。卡拉汉政府之所以采取这种政策,首要考虑的是经济因素。此外,国内政治环境的制约以及卡拉汉的大西洋主义思想等因素,也强化了英国政府不加入欧洲汇率机制的决心。     

Public Diplomacy in the U.S. Supreme Court: The Warren Years—Part I

The Prime Minister of the Republic of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, and his daughter, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, wandered down the hallway adorned with portraits of Justices in the U.S. Supreme Court building before entering the East Conference Room. There, they were warmly greeted by Chief Justice Earl Warren and his wife, Nina, who had been the Prime Minister's guests in New Delhi only four months earlier. In Washington, Nehru was the special guest of the Warrens, the first ruling head of state to be honored with a formal dinner at the Supreme Court. In attendance were a small but powerful delegation of Indian diplomats and most of the Justices and their wives. In the crisp evening of December 16, 1956, the temperature had dropped to 39 degrees, and the Prime Minister wore a black achkan, the South Asian coat that Americans came to call “a Nehru jacket,” adorned with his trademark red rose in the breast pocket and a white Congress cap. The Indian ladies dressed in striking saris, while the Western women wore long formal gowns.     

Questions of deception: contested understandings of the polls on WMD,political leaders and governments in Australia,Britain and the United States

The weapons of mass destruction (WMD) Saddam Hussein was said to possess were central to the justification the Australian Prime Minister gave for Australia's decision to go to war in Iraq. When no WMD materialised, poll data suggested that the public felt misled. But the same data suggested that support for both the government and the Prime Minister was unaffected. Among critics of the war, this generated a moral panic about Australian democracy and the Australian public—its commitment to the end justifying the means, its failure to receive a lead from the Labor Party, its widespread apathy. It also led to an intense debate about why the charge of not telling the truth had weakened public support for Blair and Bush but not for Howard. This article explores the concerns expressed by critics of the war in the face of polling that suggested that Australians were prepared to support a government and its leader that had misled them—deliberately or otherwise. It raises questions about the contrasts drawn between polled opinion in Australia, Britain and the United States. And it argues that the differences in the pattern of opinion across the three countries were not marked and that what had cost governments support were views about how the war was going, not the failure to find WMD.     

Speaking of Books: The Prime Minister

Peter Hennessy, The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders Since 1945 (Allen Lane, 2000), pp. xiv + 686, index.     

文化比政治更久远 记分藏两岸的元代黄公望富春山居图

1949年台海两岸分隔之后,诸多原先为我中华文化瑰宝之重要文物一分为二,分藏于大陆与台湾两地。就艺术门类而言,古代法书名帖则有＂三希堂＂之《中秋》《伯远》两帖藏于北京故宫,《快雪时晴帖》藏于台北故宫;绘画方面,则元代画家黄公望之《富春山居图》亦化身两半,