季节性的济贫恤穷行政:宋朝社会救济的一般特征

宋朝社会救济事业发达 ,救济范围空前广泛。由于传统农业经济的季节性波动 ,使得宋朝的济贫恤穷行政往往呈现出季节性特征。内容主要包括春夏两季的医疗救济、冬季的饥寒救济和春季匮乏的救济。这些救济事项在中国古代社会救济史上处于较高水平 ,但仍属于传统的被动性的救济。这是宋朝以至中国古代社会救济的一般特征 ,也是与现代社会救济和社会保障的主动性救济相区别的一个重要标志。尽管与现代社会救济相比 ,宋朝社会救济仍未脱离传统社会救济的统治者恩赐性质 ,但在救济属性上已发生了较大的改变 ,即更为注重救济的实效性 ,而非救济的象征性。如果说以先秦时期为代表的社会救济传统更多属于“礼”的范畴的话 ,则宋朝的社会救济无疑更多地属于制度的范畴     

汉代踏板织机的复原研究

关于汉代织机的复原研究早在60年代初期就已开始,宋伯胤和黎忠义在《文物》1962年第3期上发表专文对当时所知的六种汉画石上的织机图像作了归纳,并初步进行了斜织机复原的尝试。此后,夏鼐又对此作了进一步的复原设计,为大家所经常引用。80年代,高汉玉和屠恒贤等也提出了不同的看法。然而,这些研究都没能彻底解决汉代织机的复原问题,因为复原的结果与画像石图像的形状、与当时的技术背景、后代的     

民国南京人力车夫群体的救济问题

人力车夫问题是中国早期城市化曲折前行的产物。针对"存废皆不可"的矛盾处境,民国南京市政府基于人道主义与政治示范的原则,筹划了一系列系统的社会救济举措,一定程度上改善了车夫收入,提高了车夫智识,体现了社会救济的现代转型,为全国的车夫救济事业提供了政策的参考。但在近代中国特殊的历史环境中,这些救济举措又存在着救济范围狭窄、救济计划鲜有实行、救济效果大打折扣等诸多问题与缺陷。人力车夫问题在整个国民政府时期始终无法得到解决。     

试论国共内战背景下的解放区战后善后救济

在联合国善后救济总署的推动下,国民政府成立了行政院善后救济总署,专门从事战后中国的善后救济工作。历经国共两党从和平谈判走向全面内战的巨大政治军事转折,行总善后救济活动随即卷入了激烈的国共冲突之中。在国共内战的背景下,善后救济工作艰难运作,国共双方围绕善后救济物资分配发生了激烈的争论与冲突。     

利用BIM技术对麦积山第44窟虚拟复原初探

作为文化遗产虚拟复原的重要手段,BIM技术需明确其复原理念和方法.本文以麦积山石窟第44窟为例,阐述文献、数据、调查与技术相结合的数字化复原方法,所遇问题和复原意义,指出BIM技术在遗产虚拟复原中的独特性和价值,并对其发展进行展望,为日后的遗产保护和考古工作奠定基础.     

1949-1956年天津城市社会救济政策的制定及实践

1949-1956年,根据中央人民政府和华北人民政府关于社会救济工作的统一部署,天津建立健全了社会救济管理机构,出台了职业介绍、以工代赈、生产自救等一系列社会救济政策.通过这些救济政策的推行与实施,天津在增加城市就业、消除贫困人口、维护社会稳定、健全社会救济制度等方面取得了显著成效,具有重要的借鉴意义.     

民国四川震灾应对中的政府角色

<正>政府所拥有的权力和丰富的社会资源,决定了其在震灾救济中当然的主导地位。然民国时期,政府干预能力的消弱,反映在四川震灾救济上便是政府救济行为难以为继;民间救助逐渐兴起,并成为震灾救济的主要力量。民国四川震灾救济中政府责任与民间救助间的转换,实际上是政府社会控制力弱化下的一种无奈选择。然而震灾救济过于依靠民间自救,造成长期的政府角色缺位,反过来弱化了四川民众对政府的依存关系,进而对政府的合法统治累积下不稳定因素。     

殷墟出土灰陶器的制作与烧制实验研究

本文结合考古实证、史料记载、民族学调查资料、陶器岩相学分析以及复原实验等方法,最大可能地去复原殷墟出土灰陶器的制作与烧制技术。复原实验分两大步:一是灰陶器的制作,大致可分为取土、洗土、制作、阴干、修整等几道工序;二是灰陶器的烧制,大致可分为建窑、装窑、烧窑、还原(加牛粪或水)、出窑等几道程序。复原实验历时2年,比较成功地制作和烧制了200余件灰陶器。经过本次复原实验,我们切实了解了殷墟灰陶器的制作工艺和烧制技术。     

关于"水排"复原之再探

拙作"古代科学发明水力冶铁鼓风机——'水排'及其复原"一文,是在"文物"1959年第5期上发表的,这里面主要谈了三个问题:(一)立轮式"水排"的复原;(二)卧轮式"水排"的复原;(三)王桢"农书"所载卧轮式"水排"图的复原.在本刊同年第7期上,看到了杨宽先生的"关于水力冶铁鼓风机'水排'复原的讨论"一文.杨先生有关"水排"复原问题的一些意见,有的地方,直接有助于"水排"复原的研究;也有的地方,可以引起大家的讨论,这对复原"水排"的研究来说是有益的.在看了杨先生的文章之后,我愿就"水排"复原问题试作进一步的探讨,以作为前文的补充和修正.我在前文所提出的关于王桢"农书"所载"水排"图的复原设计,看来还是可以成为定论的.所绘制的立轮式"水排"示意图,其中的"偃木",我将它横立在"直木"的上边:杨先生认为"偃木"应竖装在     

太平洋战事前后国民政府救济难侨的活动

太平洋战事爆发前后,大批旅居南洋一带的侨胞为躲避战乱纷纷撤退归国。国民政府在财政极端困难的情况下,对归国难侨给予了积极的救济。在整个救济归国难侨的过程中,粤、闽、滇、桂等省在中央的指导与支持下,对于归国难侨、侨生以及国内的侨眷采取了积极的救济措施。太平洋战事爆发前后各地救济归国难侨的活动反映了政府在处理紧急事件方面开始有了一定的经验,同时也是抗战期间中华民族共同抵御外侮的团结互助精神的集中体现。     

Does It Pay for US‐based NGOs to Go to War? Empirical Evidence for Afghanistan and Iraq

Apart from altruistic reasons, NGOs may engage in developing countries under conditions of conflict and war in order to secure funding and survive in the ‘market’ of humanitarian relief and development assistance. Applying difference‐in‐differences approaches, this article analyses empirically whether the presence of US‐based NGOs in Afghanistan and Iraq improved their chances of external funding. While there are some indications that NGOs active in Afghanistan had better access to official funding, the authors do not find statistically compelling evidence that it pays for NGOs to engage where the United States intervenes militarily.     

合作与冲突:联合国善后救济总署对华物资禁运述评

第二次世界大战结束以后,联合国出于人道主义精神对战争受灾国进行善后救济。但是中国的善后救济却面临重重困难,如何有效地将联总物资进行储运和分配,行总和联总有许多截然不同的设计和规划。二者之间存在的矛盾与摩擦,不可避免地导致了1946年联总对华物资禁运事件。     

Reactions of the Governments of Nigeria and Biafra to the Role of the Catholic Church in the Nigeria–Biafra War

Abstract

The high incidence of conflict in the world today, and the overwhelming influence of religion on man and his society, have resulted in an increasing engagement of religion in conflict management. However, in spite of its high profile in managing conflict, religion can sometimes form a barrier to conflict resolution. The Nigeria–Biafra war was one of those wars in which religion, as an instrument of conflict management, played a double-edged sword. This paper examines the reaction of the parties to this conflict to the role of the Catholic Church in managing the conflict.

The involvement of the Catholic Church in the Nigeria–Biafra war has ever remained one of the highly controversial themes of this war. While the role played by the church appeared to be a welcome development on the part of the Biafran Government, the Federal Military Government of Nigeria (FMG) was against the church and its activities, particularly its relief programme in Biafra during the war. From the available evidence, the church’s relief services, just like those of the International Committee of the Red Cross, were carried out on both sides of the war. The difference was on the level of dependence on it, as well as the degree of its exploitation by the two parties. In addition to its high dependence on the Caritas airlift, the Biafran Government, in its war of propaganda hinged on religion, was out to exploit every available opportunity provided by the church’s relief programme in Biafra. It therefore made its overtures of ‘friendship’ to the church in Biafra and beyond as it assumed the status of a ‘maligned child’ of the mother church. To the FMG that was out to crush a rebellion, such manipulation of religion, using the platform of the church’s programme of relief in Biafra was more than a frustration of its war effort. Its anger was thus directed against the church both locally and internationally such that the latter, among other things, could achieve little or nothing in terms of conflict resolution, although the relief programme of the church in general saved the Biafran population from a war in which starvation was obviously an instrument.     

1945—1949年南京国民政府审计制度述评

抗战胜利后,国民政府重新设置或调整了审计机构,制定并修正了一些审计法规,并以就地审计、抽查审计和巡回审计为工作中心,推行审计制度改革,对恢复和重建战后国民经济发挥了一定作用。但受内战的影响,这种改革与战后国民经济一直在一种不正常的状态下进行,因此南京国民政府审计工作无法有根本性改观,难免最终遭致失败的厄运。     

The false promise of continental concert: Russia,the West and the necessary balance of power

The war in Ukraine is revelatory of a malaise in Europe's security order created by Russia's resistance to western institutions on the one hand and the western desire to maintain these institutions while partnering with Russia on the other. Absent a sense of priorities, western policy risks contributing to the erosion of Europe's security order that Russia seeks in opposition to western ambition. Europe's order is premised first and foremost on a distinctively western concert of nations—whereby Euro‐Atlantic states coordinate policy according to a common purpose layered into both NATO and the EU—that forms part of a wider balance of power between Russia and the West. Western policy should aim to strengthen the concert and clarify the balance. However, the prevalent desire to include Russia in the concert confuses matters in a major way, eroding both the underlying sense of priorities and the foundation for order. This article examines this threatening erosion and traces it to three underlying trends: political contestation with regard to the meaning of ‘restoration’ post‐1989; military instability following from the unpredictability of ‘hybrid war’; and moral equivocation on the part of the West when it comes to defending the Euro‐Atlantic security order. The article concludes that given the depth of contestation, western allies should learn to distinguish concert from balance and act on the condition that the former, a vibrant western concert, is a precondition for the latter, a manageable continental balance.     

Justifying sacrifice: Barack Obama and the selling and ending of the war in Afghanistan

Since taking office, United States President Barack Obama has attempted to refocus and revitalize the US war against terrorism. The centrepiece of this effort has been an increased emphasis on the war in Afghanistan, which he has characterized as the real frontline of the war on terror—as opposed to the ‘distraction’ of the Iraq war. After years of fighting under the Bush administration, Obama has had to ‘sell’ to the US public the renewed effort in Afghanistan and bordering Pakistan in order to maintain support for his policy. In speeches and other public pronouncements, Obama has drawn heavily on the idea of ‘sacrifice’ to justify the deepening of the commitment to the war, arguing that the costs of the war are necessary in order to keep the US safe from further terrorist attacks. This article explores this symbolic engagement with the sacrifices being made in the name of keeping the United States ‘safe’ from terrorism. It considers whether this approach resonates with public and elite opinion; it also considers the sustainability of underlying public support for the war and analyses how Obama has adapted his approach in order to fulfil his goal of drawing the US intervention to a close. While Obama appears to have judged well the price that the US public is willing to pay to defend against terrorism, it is argued that there are major risks involved in using the central principle of sacrifice when justifying the war. Obama has risked creating a ‘sacrifice trap’ whereby the more emphasis is placed on the sacrifices being made, the more necessary it becomes to demonstrate outcomes that make those sacrifices worthwhile. Obama's ultimate objective of withdrawing US forces from Afghanistan may yet be undermined, therefore, by the justifications he has given for the continued importance of the commitment.     

联总援助与我国铁路交通善后

抗战期间及战后初期,我国内陆交通遭到严重破坏。根据《中国善后救济计划》,联合国救济善后总署（简称联总）无偿提供大批交通运输器材,帮助我国恢复残破不堪的水陆交通。出于控制华北的政治目的,国民党政府曾打算利用联总援 助的铁路器材优先修复津浦、平汉、平绥和胶济铁路;停战协定生效后,中共曾表示,在保留解放区境内铁路区段实际控制权的前提下,愿意协助修复华北铁路交通。由于国民党政府顽固坚持以武力解决国内政治争端的错误政策,致使全国内战爆发,铁路再度成为交战双方争夺的焦点而频遭破坏。交通部不得不改变初衷,转而将联总器材主要用于修复粤汉、浙赣、南洵铁路和改善华东地区的路况,并收到显著成效。     

Beyond restoration: problems of imperial power in the 1870 famine relief efforts in Zhili

Based on a close examination of the 1870 government famine relief efforts in Zhili, this study reassesses some significant changes in Qing state power in the nineteenth century. Most previous research has sought to explain receding state power as a response to mounting pressures from an activist society. The famine relief efforts of 1870 demonstrate a less well‐known but equally important aspect of the problem. While social pressures had undoubtedly worn away at the 200‐year‐old state machine, they also stimulated responses from it. While local activism had indeed taken over the levers that had slipped from the imperial government's hands, the challenges it presented jump‐started the state machine, tightened its screws and set it on the path to restoration. In 1870, Imperial Commissioner Li Xingrui, under orders from his superior, Governor‐General Zeng Guofan, executed a textbook operation of famine relief in Zhili. Challenges arose as wealthy locals wrestled with Li for control of the relief operation; government officials, too, sought private gain. Nevertheless, the commissioner and his superior conscientiously followed the Qing statutes, warded off these various challenges and completed the relief work. The display of state power during the operation was impressive, and was sweetened by a bureaucratic culture that condoned semi‐legitimate personal gain in public affairs. The pairing of “stick and carrot” redirected the challenges to the operation from wealthy locals into a channel unique to China: an activist elite who sought to fulfill their ambitions by working within the existing system rather than by breaking away from it. Thus, Qing state power not only proved reasonably resilient in times of crisis, but also offered some hope for the successful building of a modern state.     

南京粤军阵亡将士墓九十年祭

民国元年广东北伐军为主体的东线北伐的胜利,对于捍卫南京临时政府、促使清帝退位,起了重要的作用。今年3月,是南京粤军阵亡将士墓建墓90周年。为了存史,本就粤军的兴建、征战、墓冢、勋绩,分别作了考证,藉以缅怀革命先烈。     

The Great War,the child’s body and the American Red Cross

Abstract

This article examines the child-relief activities of the American Red Cross in Hungary in the aftermath of the Great War, offering an insight into the workings of humanitarianism in interwar Europe. A close look at this one Central European ‘playground’ of transatlantic intervention helps us understand the logic and the underlying political, economic and ideological motives behind Allied humanitarian aid to ‘enemy’ children. Analysis of the ways in which the war’s aftermath affected children, their bodies and their relief throws light on the relationship between violent conflicts, children in need and humanitarian intervention. The article looks particularly at the role of the child’s damaged body and its photographic representation, making it what Cathleen Canning calls an ‘embodied experience of war’. Exploration of the humanitarian discourse around the suffering child helps us identify the humanitarian reaction to the unforeseen social consequences of wartime confrontation. The article argues that the harmed body of the ‘enemy child’ served to mobilise transnational compassion that challenged the war’s deeply anchored ‘friend–foe’ mentality. The child turned into a means of configuring and translating human suffering beyond ideological and political borders. At the same time humanitarian child relief helped to further consolidate asymmetric international power relations.