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1.
在西欧许多公地共同体的全体成员之间,存在着由公地制度所决定的经济方面、法律方面、政治方面的某种程度的平等。主要表现在共同体成员之间份地地块的平等分配,其他资源的平等分配;共同体成员在村规面前的平等;共同体成员在管理共同体事务资格方面的平等,包括平等地参加庄园法庭与村民会议,参加立法、审判、判决与决策,平等地选举与担任共同体管理、执法人员。这一切都体现出公地制度中的平等精神。  相似文献   

2.
赵文洪 《安徽史学》2016,(1):106-117
本文探讨了中世纪英国穷人群体的社会特征、基本生活状况,公地共同体中公共地和公共权利对于穷人的巨大救济作用,公地共同体成员对穷人的其他救助措施,高度评价了公地制度救助穷人的社会功能。  相似文献   

3.
庄园法庭、村规民约与中世纪欧洲“公地共同体”   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
曾经在欧洲农村长期广泛存在的"公地共同体"的管理中既存在领主专制,也包含一些共同体的民主因素。作为共同体最高权力机构的庄园法庭和村民会议,大多是由共同体的全体成员——非自由农和自由农组成。作为"公地共同体"最高法律的村规以及许多决策的制定和执行,很多情况下必须得到共同体全体成员的同意。  相似文献   

4.
乡村旅游资源的公共产品特性使得乡村旅游开发中"公地悲剧"成为普遍现象,影响了乡村旅游的可持续发展。通过对河北省乡村旅游资源开发的实地调查分析各地区旅游资源开发的现状,利用博弈模型分析"公地悲剧"产生的原因,并探讨如何利用村民在集体联合组织约束下的行为选择来解决"公地悲剧"问题。最后,论文指出应组建乡村旅游联合组织,规范组织行为并健全农村环境保护法规以克服"公地悲剧"问题。  相似文献   

5.
美国历史上的土地测量制度   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
土地测量是美国公地处理中的一项重要制度,它为地产的划分和土地的买卖提供了强有力的支持手段.土地测量在美国西部大开发过程中起到难以估量的巨大作用.美国土地测量中的村镇制度经历了村镇移植到村镇划分的嬗变过程,即由先前的人的移植变为后来纯粹的土地的划分.  相似文献   

6.
公田和私田是中国上古土地权利开始分化的起点。在村社共同体瓦解,土地从公有向私有的转化过程中,私人(以家庭为单位)需要面对发展壮大的国家。国家不但僭越了社会共同体所享有的"公田"收入并将其转化为征税权,而且不断的将征税权扩展到所有的土地。对于国家而言,土地制度的核心不是土地的归属,而是土地的经营与赋税征收,这使得中国古代,土地私有权发展的空间极其有限。  相似文献   

7.
欧洲公地共同体管理中既有人治的因素,又有法治的因素。其法治因素主要包括:1.对法律至上原则的追求。在共同体的生产劳动和日常生活中,人们捍卫作为习惯法的村规和其他惯例的最高统治地位。2.对法律面前人人平等原则的追求。领主,他的自由佃农和农奴,以及一些无地的劳工,都是共同体的成员。共同体的传统要求在有关共同体的公共事务方面,他们都要服从习惯法(尽管事实上并不会总是如此)。3.比较严密、细致的法律程序。  相似文献   

8.
"耕者有其田"经历了小农经济、集体经济以及联产承包责任制下的分户经营等多种实现形式,在此期间土地经历了"土地私有产权""土地集体产权"的变化,土地经营方式也经历了"分—合—分"的发展轨迹,农业生产效率不断得到释放。土地集体产权完全杜绝了农民买卖土地的可能性,从而保障了农民永远持有土地的使用权和受益权,"耕者有其田"不再以"土地私有产权"为前提。土地制度的每一次变迁都激发了劳动生产率,但也出现了新的问题,即分户经营导致土地经营缺乏规模经济效率,尤其在城市化进程中,随着更多农民从土地中析出,农民对土地的依赖程度在弱化,农民不能从责任田中持续受益。因此需要重新探索土地使用权的实现形式,将村民具有使用权的土地通过产业化公司得以集体化运营,为"耕者有其田"赋予新的含义,在新型的土地经营方式中提升农民从土地中的获益水平。  相似文献   

9.
刘洁 《史学集刊》2008,(3):42-47
在日本对东北的殖民统治和封建剥削制度的压迫下,农村存在大量的"公地"和庞大的雇农阶层,成为东北土地占有关系的典型特征.抗战胜利后,中国共产党在东北解放区通过分配"公地"、 反奸清算、平分土地等措施,实现了"耕者有其田"和土地所有权的转移,满足了包括雇农在内的广大农民对土地的迫切要求,实现了东北土地占有关系的历史性变革.这个变革不仅进一步巩固和扩大了东北解放区,为全国解放战争的胜利提供了人力、物力、财力等全面的支持,而且也为东北地区新民主主义政治、经济、文化的发展奠定了基础.  相似文献   

10.
"一带一路"的设想反映了亚洲和欧洲许多国家包括中国进行发展与合作的愿景。为此,必须对于构建命运共同体达成新的集体认同。只有克服对于集体认同的主要障碍,才会增进互相理解和共同认知。只有建立有效的机制、制度和组织,才能保证集体认同的落实。只有针对各国社会和民众的心理进行充分的沟通协商,才能为集体认同奠定广泛坚实的基础。  相似文献   

11.
Many of the world's most valuable biodiverse areas are successfully managed by indigenous communities, often under peculiar property rights structures. In many cases, these communities are economically disadvantaged, even by local standards. But can particular local property rights regimes which are ecologically successful also allow communities to compete productively in market economies? The extractive reserves of the Brazilian Amazon offer an opportunity for investigating the connections between property rights, conservation and development in the context of tropical forests. This article aims to analyse whether the existing property rights in these reserves — an idiosyncratic mixture of public, collective and private property rights — can support the explicit development aim of a competitive, yet sustainable, exploitation of the area's natural resources. The analysis identifies three promising development paths open to extractive reserves, but points to a fundamental contradiction between the static structure of the property rights system and the dynamic nature of two of these paths. The current design of internal property rights fails to take into account the broader economic context in which reserves must generate a viable revenue stream. If extractive reserves are expected to develop without reliance on external aid, then changes to the property rights structure both inside and outside the extractive reserves have to be explicitly considered.  相似文献   

12.
Today there is a pervasive policy consensus in favour of ‘community management’ approaches to common property resources such as forests and water. This is endorsed and legitimized by theories of collective action which, this article argues, produce distinctively ahistorical and apolitical constructions of ‘locality’, and impose a narrow definition of resources and economic interest. Through an historical and ethnographic exploration of indigenous tank irrigation systems in Tamil Nadu, the article challenges the economic-institutional modelling of common property systems in terms of sets of rules and co-operative equilibrium outcomes internally sustained by a structure of incentives. The article argues for a more historically and politically grounded understanding of resources, rights and entitlements and, using Bourdieu's notion of ‘symbolic capital’, argues for a reconception of common property which recognizes symbolic as well as material interests and resources. Tamil tank systems are viewed not only as sources of irrigation water, but as forming part of a village ‘public domain’ through which social relations are articulated, reproduced and challenged. But the symbolic ‘production of locality’ to which water systems contribute is also shaped by local ecology. The paper examines the historical and cultural production of two distinctive ‘cultural ecologies’. This serves to illustrate the fusion of ecology and social identity, place and person, in local conceptions, and to challenge a currently influential thesis on the ecological-economic determinants of collective action. In short, development discourse and local actors are seen to have very different methods and purposes in the ‘production of locality’. Finally, the article points to some practical implications of this for strategies of ‘local institutional development’ in irrigation.  相似文献   

13.
This contribution looks at land property relations in a peasant community in the central highlands of Peru. Rather than using a rights‐based approach, the authors propose a ‘practice force field approach’ for their analysis of property relations under communal land tenure regimes. Their study combines qualitative ethnographic case studies with quantitative analysis of data on land distribution. In contrast to rights‐based approaches, this perspective understands the legal discourses that people draw upon to explain property relations as ‘justifying rule talk’ rather than the reflection of a system of property rights. It is shown how property relations are shaped in mediated interactive processes, where official rules, moral principles, shared histories and strategic games come together. The authors use this practice force field approach to study Usibamba, an Andean community that has developed a true disciplinary regime of communal governance based on control over land. The role of ‘rule talk’ and the function of elaborate local systems of land registration are examined in the context of the annual reallocation of communal land. Particular attention is paid to the performance of the president of the comunidad during this delicate process and his reflections on the course of events.  相似文献   

14.
Land Access and Titling in Nicaragua   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
  相似文献   

15.
陈絜 《华夏考古》2012,(1):120-128
西周铜器铭刻资料中习见的"佃人"一词,是指隶属于王朝或依附于贵族家族的农业人口,属于庶民阶层,而非传世文献中所记载的"甸师"、"甸人"与"田畯"之类的官师。这些"佃人",有他们自己的包括土地、生产工具和家畜在内的私产。他们在农官或私臣的带领和监督下,以耕作"公田"的劳役为形式,服务于大大小小的贵族阶层,受各级统治者的剥削。通过各方面的比较,他们的身份地位与当时的"仆庸"颇为相近,故"佃人"一词很可能就是"仆庸"的异称。  相似文献   

16.
In Los Angeles, Hollywood in particular, straight‐themed pornography and gay male nightlife became more visible and, moral reformers believed, of grave public concern between the early 1960s and the early 1970s. As a result, defining the limits of sexual freedom became a problem for urban public officials, who resolved the dilemma by casting heterosexual sex entertainment as disruptive of neighbourhood quality of life, making it a question of property values and crime, and reframing gay nightlife as an issue of privacy and the right of public assembly. The article considers battles over commercial pornography and battles over gay male rights and culture. As the civil rights and black power movements commanded, then lost, the attention of liberals, sexual libertarians and a mobilised gay rights movement forced urban politicians to reconsider the place of sex and sexual identity in public life. A new generation of urban liberals faced a difficult challenge: to respond to their constituents' libertarian views of sex and sexuality while not appearing to endorse civic disorder and economic decline. They had to defend both privacy rights and property rights.  相似文献   

17.
从农村合作化运动看国家构造中的集体及集体产权   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
集体产权不是一个主流经济学的产权概念,它只在中国才有财产和法律上的双重意义。伴随着农业合作化运动的互助组、初级社、高级社三个阶段,集体及集体产权也经历了一个萌芽、雏形、形成的过程。  相似文献   

18.
The basis on which peoples should understand and relate to each other is a key dilemma for applied anthropology and a human rights organization such as the Forest Peoples Programme. Cultural relativism rejects universalism, critiques the individualist emphasis of human rights as Western imperialism and teaches that every society must be understood in its own terms. While it is true that some countries have resisted the impositions of the human rights regime, most have also ratified the key human rights treaties. It is clear that the notion of ‘human rights’ is a cultural construct of Western civilization, with a long gestation dating back to the ancient Greeks. Human rights have three foundational principles: individual rights, non-discrimination and self-determination. The tension between the three creates space for cultural specificity, decolonization and the assertion of collective rights. Indigenous peoples have effectively used the human rights system of the United Nations to reclaim their collective rights and, in so doing, accept that these universal norms also apply to their own societies, which they reform through their self-determined efforts. Ultimately, all human rights trace back to various conceptions of freedom – free will, freedom of belief, autonomy and self-determination – and even in societies where personhood is more relational and communal, notions of collective freedom are readily discernible. We need an ‘anthropology of freedom’ that builds on the insights of cultural relativism but is open to supporting self-determined movements for reform.  相似文献   

19.
The basis on which people should understand and relate to each other is a crucial dilemma for applied anthropology and a human rights organization such as the Forest Peoples Programme. Cultural relativism rejects universalism, critiques the individualist emphasis of human rights as Western imperialism and teaches that every society must be understood on its own terms. While it is true that some countries have resisted the impositions of the human rights regime, most have also ratified the key human rights treaties. It is clear that the notion of ‘human rights’ is a cultural construct of Western civilization, with a long gestation dating back to the ancient Greeks. Human rights have three foundational principles: individual rights, non-discrimination and self-determination. The tension between the three creates space for cultural specificity, decolonization and the assertion of collective rights. Indigenous peoples have effectively used the human rights system of the United Nations to reclaim their collective rights and, in so doing, accept that these universal norms also apply to their own societies, which they reform through their self-determined efforts. Ultimately, all human rights trace back to various conceptions of freedom – free will, freedom of belief, autonomy and self-determination – and even in societies where personhood is more relational and communal, notions of collective freedom are readily discernible. We need an ‘anthropology of freedom’ that builds on the insights of cultural relativism but is open to supporting self-determined movements for reform.  相似文献   

20.
Processes of globalization rework sovereignty as the ordering principle of the international political economy, creating new geographies of power. Such a reworking is most apparent offshore, a site where sovereignty is unbundled. The principle of sovereignty is maintained in the offshore financial centres' legal sovereignty but relinquished in terms of their fiscal powers. This unbundling articulates the state system and the capitalist economy. Such an unbundling is possible because sovereignty is based upon property rights. Changes in the practices and understandings of property rights change the meaning of sovereignty, altering the principle of differentiation which shapes the international political economy. In this way, the paradoxical marginality and centrality of offshoreness to the dynamics of the international political economy is explained.  相似文献   

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