关于希波战争起点的质疑

在我国史学界,关于希波战争的起点问题似乎已成定论。但是,最近读了希罗多德《历史》以及有关史著,认为公元前500年开始的小亚细亚希腊人起义不是希波战争的起点。一我们首先简要地回顾小亚细亚希腊人反波斯斗争的历史。当时,反波斯阵营中有三大势力集团:伊奥尼亚人(Ionians)、爱奥利亚人(Aeolian)城邦;赫勒斯滂(Hellespont)、博斯普鲁斯(Bosporus)的希腊人城邦和卡里亚(Caria)、塞浦路斯     

十九大精神对外宣讲团赴塞浦路斯、希腊、意大利宣讲交流情况

正按照中央统一安排,应塞浦路斯劳动人民进步党、希腊左联党、意大利民主党等邀请,我率中共十九大精神对外宣讲团于2017年12月11日至20日访问塞浦路斯、希腊和意大利,宣介党的十九大精神。三国对此访均高度重视,与宣讲团积极互动、深度交流。在我驻三国使馆的大     

塞浦路斯民族冲突的历史渊源

1974年,塞浦路斯希腊族和土耳其族之间发生大规模的武装冲突,并出现希、土两族各自为政的局面。长期以来,社会分裂一直严重困扰着塞浦路斯政府。时局动荡给这个地中海岛国的前途投下了长长的阴影;而且,民族冲突还引起塞浦路斯邻邦希腊和土耳其的不安和关注,成为地中海地区一个不稳定的重要因素。造成塞浦路斯问题的原因比较复杂,既有远     

帕福斯 面朝大海的爱神之城

<正>听说我要独自前往塞浦路斯旅行,研究所的美国姐姐兴奋地拉住我,告诉我她和她老公就是在塞浦路斯相识相恋,最后走进婚姻殿堂的。她笑着说:"一定也有个姑娘在塞浦路斯等你,那是个名不虚传的爱神之岛。"我的计划是去看岛上的山峰、森林和古迹,但被她这么一说,心里还真多了一层期待,毕竟在希腊神话里,塞浦路斯是爱与美之神阿芙罗蒂特的故乡,在古往今来的诗句里被描述得充满浪漫情怀。     

冷战期间的塞浦路斯民族问题与联合国的斡旋

塞浦路斯是位于地中海东部的一个岛国,历史上被称为“爱神之岛”。该国居民主要由希腊人(信奉基督教,占全国人口总数的80％)和土耳其人(信仰伊斯兰教,占18％)组成。长期以来,由于两族在民族、语言、宗教、风俗习惯、文化传统和社会地位等方面存在着明显的差异与对立,双方之间的隔阂与矛盾很深,纷争不断。     

以色列突击队突袭救援船

以色列突击队拦截了数艘驶往加沙的联合国救援物资舰队,至少10名人士在由此引发的流血;中突中死亡。这些舰队由土耳其,希腊,爱尔兰,塞浦路斯和瑞典而来,现被迫停靠在约距阿什杜德港65公里处的海域。     

外来移民与塞浦路斯的民族形成——兼述塞浦路斯历史上希腊族人与土耳其族人的关系

塞浦路斯最早的居民是古塞浦路斯人;后来古希腊移民成为塞浦路斯居民的主体,他们不仅融合了古塞浦路斯人,而且先后同化了移居塞浦路斯的腓尼基人、犹太人、阿拉伯人;惟有移居塞浦路斯的亚美尼亚人和马龙派教徒保持着自己的民族特性;姗姗来迟的土耳其人成为塞浦路斯的第二大民族,并保持着他们的宗教信仰、语言和文化传统。     

中国钱币与银行博物馆委员会代表团出席ICOMON第18届年会

国际钱币与银行博物馆委员会(ICOMON)第18届年会于2011年10月10-13日在塞浦路斯首都尼科西亚召开,应举办方邀请,中国钱币博物馆代表中国钱币与银行博物馆委员会组团出席此次会议,并应希腊雅典钱币博物馆邀请,代表团在会后赴     

撒切尔犬人的遗产

不到一个月前,马岛刚刚举行了一次一边倒的归属公投,让人们再次回想起1982年的“英帝国最后一战”：塞浦路斯突如其来的储蓄危机,再度唤醒人们对欧债危机的担忧,和对英国金融前景、英国与欧元区关系的种种纠葛;香港“奶粉限购”等事件引发的各种话题,又令不同立场的中国人和英国人,重提尘封已久的香港回归话题。这些是人们最关注的“涉英”话题,而又偏偏无一例外,和撤切尔这个名字密不可分     

国之雅乐——昆曲

世界上很多伟大的民族都有一种高雅精致的表演艺术,希腊人有悲剧,意大利人有歌剧,俄国人有芭蕾,英国人有莎士比亚戏剧。这些雅乐是他们民族的骄傲与自信的源泉。那么我们中国人的雅乐又是什么呢？     

Toads and Informers: How the British Treated their Collaborators during the Cyprus Emergency, 1955–9

ABSTRACT

During the Cyprus Emergency the British administration made considerable use of both Cypriot and Turkish collaborators as policemen and civil servants. Most were able to sink back into the safety of their own ethnic community after the Emergency, but some had become pariahs and had to look to the departing British for succour. They were the small group of Greek Cypriots who actively collaborated with the British against EOKA (National Organization of Cypriot Fighters), and the even smaller group of Turkish Cypriots who worked with them against the Turkish underground organisation, TMT. This article uses newly released archival materials to explore the history of these collaborators, asking questions about their recruitment, their actions, and the risks and dangers they faced. Evidence emerges as to how the British rewarded and subsequently treated these collaborators, how those who applied for asylum fared, and what happened to them once they arrived in Britain.     

An Island Divided: Politicised Landscapes,Modern Borders,and Shifting Identities

Abstract

This paper looks critically at the division of Cyprus into North and South (the politically unrecognised Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and the Republic of Cyprus respectively) and will consider how this physical division emphasised and further developed a divided identity based on 'ethnic' differences (and the development of the 'other') between the two major populations—Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. The Green Line is just one of several recent manifestations in the landscape of social contestations between Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. This paper outlines how the Green Line has structured the lives of people in relation to the ways that they conceptualise their environment, the past and, importantly, the 'other' side. Further, it addresses how this division, this physical line across the landscape, impacts upon the social landscape as it defines and reinforces identity through the processes of memory and forgetting.     

Britain's central role in the search for an international peacekeeping force for Cyprus, 1963–64

Abstract

This work examines the way in which the British, Greek and Turkish Governments established a peacekeeping force, the Joint Truce Force, in Cyprus in December 1963 and how the United Kingdom, aided by the United States, subsequently handled the creation of a replacement international peacekeeping force. Although the United Kingdom did everything in its power to keep peacekeeping efforts under its own control for as long as possible, when this was no longer feasible it tried to create a NATO-based peacekeeping force. This was opposed by the (Greek Cypriot) Government of Cyprus which favoured a United Nations peacekeeping force. Given the tensions between the British Government and the Government of Cyprus over which of these two international bodies should be responsible for peacekeeping it is strange that the United Kingdom never took seriously Greek Cypriot calls to have the Commonwealth considered as an alternative to the other two. This work examines these processes and analyses why the United Kingdom favoured NATO, opposed the UN and to all intents and purposes ignored the Commonwealth.     

Historical legacies and political agency: hate speech in contemporary Cyprus

The article analyses expressions of hate speech/behaviour between the two main Cypriot communities – Greek and Turkish. Research and discussion on hate speech is theoretically and empirically informed by the notions of nationalism and otherism which have moulded hate speech perceptions in Cyprus. The major finding is that hate speech between Greek and Turkish Cypriots although subsiding in recent years can be easily triggered by political and social actors by references to history and/or isolated violent incidents. Hate speech is rooted in historical legacies, conservative and nationalistic world‐views, takes several forms and permeates Cypriot society, although most times is not explicitly expressed and does not take a violent turn.     

Colonial Rule,Cultural Relations and the British Council in Cyprus, 1935–55

ABSTRACT

This article offers an examination of the British Council’s early stages of expansion in Cyprus under British rule, from 1935 to 1955, before the start of the Greek Cypriot anti-colonial struggle (1955–59). It argues that the British Council’s development and quality of activities in the British colony were affected by various factors such as the peculiar political difficulties encountered in the island due to the rise of Greek nationalism and the growing influence of the Church of Cyprus over the local public; the mismanagement of the local British Institutes by some of the Council’s representatives; and the financial stringencies hindering the Council’s ambitions. Through the investigation of primary material, accessed at the Cyprus State Archive in Nicosia (Cyprus) and at the National Archives in London (UK), the article traces and critically analyses for the first time the Council’s early steps in colonial cultural policy-making, using Cyprus as a case study. During the 20-year period under examination, British experiments in culture attempted to attract the Cypriots’ interest and convince them of the importance of the British connection. The British and colonial governments envisaged that through cultural influence they could safeguard the consent of the governed. In this way, British presence in Cyprus could be retained and Britain would be able to protect its strategic, political and economic interests in the region. However, research reveals that the Council’s efforts in the colony were more often than not misguided, its activities proving ineffective, its hopes misplaced. Although the aspiration was that the British Council should be a powerful instrument of Britain’s foreign policy in the colonies, this article shows that in Cyprus it had a tumultuous childhood. Caught up in the realities of the Second World War, the rise of nationalism, the thread of communism, and amid the climate of Cold War, the British Empire was coming at an end, while the British Council was fighting to survive.     

The ‘Turkish’ Minority in Cyprus: An artificial identity?

Traditionally, the development of a secular identity within the Muslim minority on Cyprus has been attributed to the British administration as part of a ‘divide-and-rule’ policy.^{11 Pollis, ‘Intergroup Conflict’, 581; Choisi, ‘The Turkish Cypriot Elite’, 12. See also ?ahin, ‘Open Borders, Closed Minds’, 584.} Those who accept this argument have implied that Turkish-Cypriot nationalism is to some extent less genuine than Greek-Cypriot nationalism, an artificial identity imposed by an external source. Yet not only does this ignore the nature of national identity, which has been overlooked in the discussion of nationalist development on Cyprus, it also seems to credit the British with too much foresight and control. This article questions whether the development of a Turkish identity within the Muslim population was primarily based on British encouragement. It also argues that Turkish-Cypriot nationalism, rather than being ‘late’ or ‘imposed’, emerged similarly to other national identities. As the 1950–1951 attempt to appoint a mufti demonstrates, Turkish-Cypriot leadership appeared in spite of rather than because of the colonial administration. Indeed, the incident shows how British officials misunderstood the desires and concerns of the Turkish Cypriots just as much as they did Greek-Cypriot feelings regarding Enosis.     

Cross-Border Trade Liberalization: The Case of Lokmaci/Ledra Gate in Divided Nicosia,Cyprus

In the divided Walled City of Nicosia, there are two separate markets: one in the Greek Cypriot South and one in the Turkish Cypriot North. The division is the result of the unresolved Cyprus Problem. However, UN-sponsored negotiations are gradually liberalizing trade as well as movement of people across the border. On 3 April 2008, the Ledra Street/Lokmaci Gate was opened, allowing people, tourists and shoppers to cross to the other side. This event was further stimulated by action on the part of various aid agencies, principally the European Union, United States Agency for International Development and United Nations Development Program, who had invested heavily in revitalization projects to restore historic and heritage sites in the area. These two complementary effects (i.e. revitalization projects and opening the Gate) have generated significant trade creation in the business district near the Gate. It is the overall aim of this paper to quantify the “trade creation effect”. The paper reports the results of a special survey of primary shop owners in the neighbourhood of the Gate in the northern part of the capital. The study finds empirical evidence of substantial trade creation, especially for Turkish Cypriots. However, this optimistic finding is clouded by the on-going bitterness of the last divided European capital surrounded by barbwires and minefields of the UN buffer zone that prevent maximum economic prosperity of a potential political settlement.     

Mapping the past: Turkish Cypriot narratives of time and place in the Canbulat museum,northern Cyprus

The Canbulat museum is located within the Venetian Walls of the mediaeval city of Famagusta in northern Cyprus, and traditionally marks the spot where the Ottoman warrior Canbulat fell during the siege of Famagusta in 1571. The tomb of Canbulat, which is housed within the museum, has for centuries played an important part in the folk tradition of Turkish Cypriots. Its incorporation into a formal museum in 1968 marked a conscious reworking of the Canbulat legend into a narrative of the Turkish presence in Cyprus. This paper explores the relationship between history and memory which emerges from the shared space and diverging practices of shrine and museum and considers the alternative visions of past, present and future which it opens up.     

The Cyprus question, 1949-1952: British attitude,American reactions and Greek dilemmas

Abstract

The present study is an attempt to construe the position of Britain and the US as well as Greek reactions with regard to the Cyprus question at a stage which preceded its internationalisation and the concurrent deterioration of Anglo-Greek and Greek-Turkish relations. There is a voluminous bibliography on the problem, which has developed into one of the major international entanglements of our time. Most works on the Cyprus question, in the form of either general scholarly works or memoirs, devote very little space to the 1949-1952 period – when they do not overlook it entirely. A notable exception is Angelos Vlachos' Deka hronia Kypriako (Ten Years of Cyprus Question) which mainly examines the attitude of the Greek government and the Greek-Cypriot Ethnarchy towards the question of Enosis. Francois Crouzet's Le Conflict de Chypre, 1946-1959, on the other hand, published in 1973, offers a rather limited insight of the question at its early stage given the absence of relevant primary sources at that time. The present paper, however, is primarily based on British and American diplomatic records. Whereas, though, the relevant British Cabinet and Foreign Office documents are in their vast majority open to research, a great number of US State Department documents on Cyprus remained classified in early 1987, when this research was conducted. To be specific, for 1950, one classified document corresponded to two declassified, while for the following year the ratio increased to three against two, with an even number of classified and declassified papers for 1952. Yet, the author believes that a fairly precise picture of British and American attitudes on the question can be drawn on the basis of the material available. Greek reactions are also examined and interpreted to the extent that British and American diplomatic records as well as Greek secondary sources permit.     

The Strategic Importance of Cyprus and the Prospect of Union with Greece, 1919–1931: The Greek Perspective

The outbreak of the First World War brought about an important change in the status of Cyprus which was officially annexed by Great Britain. In the years that followed, successive Greek governments preferred not to pose openly the prospect of the island's cession to Greece. Athens understood that, given London's strategic interest in Cyprus, a favourable solution of the issue was inevitably related with the satisfaction of British strategic interests in the wider Eastern Mediterranean region. In other words, the prospect of the creation of British military bases on Cyprus in the event that London actually consented to the island's union with Greece was not rejected on the part of Athens; on the contrary, it was seen as a necessary sacrifice in order to serve the final goal of Enosis.