解读福田的“春天攻势”

2007年岁末,福田康夫首相夫妇对中国进行为期四天的"迎春之旅",展现出了对华友好、求同,合作的外交姿态。在此情况下,许多人都在问:中日关系已经从"寒冬"进入"春天"了吗?日本的对华政策在进行什么样的调整?福田能解决中日之间的结构性矛盾吗?     

福田辞职与中日关系

9月1日晚,日本首相福田康夫突然宣布辞职,引起了外界的震惊。福田此时辞职,是否会对未来的中日关系产生影响?本刊记者就此采访了清华大学国际问题研究所的刘江永教授。《环球人物》:我们都知道,福田对中日两国政治关系的改善做了很多努力,那么他的辞职,会对中日关系     

一位日本政治家的“中国莲花”

"福田首相能够访问中国,我真的非常非常高兴!"二阶俊博向右侧了侧身子,特意看着记者,眼神庄重而诚恳。记者对二阶俊博的采访,是在福田首相访华(2007年12月底)前夕进行的。一间30平方米的屋子,中间用硬塑板隔开,外间是秘书室;内间的一张办公桌旁,几张沙发围着一个茶几,供二阶俊博办公、会客之用。这就是位于东京永田町的二阶俊博事务所。这位68岁的老人,用"简单"向来访者展示着他的凝练。     

面临挑战的中日关系

二战以来,中日关系经历了以下几个发展阶段：７０年代前,基本处于冷战、对峙状态;７０～９０年代,进入友好、和平发展阶段,突出表现为经济合作迅猛发展;进入９０年代,两国间的摩擦日益突出,进入友好合作与摩擦并存的时期。而自９０年代中期以来,中日关系虽从总体上仍未脱离合作与摩擦并存的阶段,但两国间的合作气氛相对减少,影响两国关系的不利因素明显增多。世纪之交,中日关系面临严峻挑战。一、影响中日关系的“旧疾”在中日关系中,一直存在着一些影响两国关系健康发展的消极因素,而这些因素又极其难以消除,时至今日,仍是…     

胡锦涛主席访日与当代中日关系

2006年10月安倍首相访华以来,中日关系出现了回暖的迹象。2008年5月6日至10日,胡锦涛主席的“暖春之旅”,为进一步改善中日关系提供了良好的契机。为扭转两国关系不断下滑的趋势,中日双方对这次访问都做了大量的准备工作。此次访问取得了一系列成果,本文解读了2008年5月7日签署的中日关系的第四个政治性文件,最后分析了这次访问对中日关系的影响。     

《近代日本对华官派留学史(1871—1931)》出版

正谭皓著,社会科学文献出版社2018年1月出版,34.8万字,98元在近代中日关系史研究中,"近代中国人留学日本史"问题因中国留日学生深刻影响了中国近代历史的发展进程和近代中日关系的曲折变化,备受学界关注,甚至一度成为中国史学研究的热点。与之相对,近代以来的日本留华学生群体在近代中日关系史上亦扮演了复杂的角色,发挥了特殊的历史作用,折射出时代的光与影。     

八十多载后寻访梧州

正中共六大代表、革命烈士胡福田是广西建党初期的重要领导人,曾担任中共广西特委常委,他是广西农民革命运动的先驱。由于叛徒出卖,胡福田同志于1928年10月初被国民党反动派逮捕并关押在梧州监狱。身陷狱中3个月,任何严刑拷打都没有使胡福田同志屈服,他始终没有吐露关于党的半点机密。12月底,国民党反动派将胡福田同志杀害于梧州     

从“温故知新”到“温故创新”——清华大学国际问题研究所所长刘江永解读福田康夫访华

安倍首相、福田首相的出现,实际上并不是一个两个人的问题,而是政治思潮回摆的必然结果……随着日本政治右倾化向中间回摆,日本对华政策又回到正常的轨道,中日关系马上就会破冰,就会迎春     

追寻已逝的恩怨情仇——读翁有为教授等著《蒋介石与日本的恩恩怨怨》

在中华民国史研究中,中日关系的研究无疑是一门显学。多年来出版了大量的学术专著、发表了众多研究论文。但是学术界对于中日关系的研究一直以两国政府、政党为重点。新世纪以来,海内外学者都在思考如何在研究视角和方法上有新的突破,进而推动中日关系的研究。     

试论当代中日关系中的历史认识问题--兼评《中日接近和"外交革命"》发表引起的"外交新思考"问题

针对近年来的“外交新思考”的讨论,作者认为,中日邦交正常化以来的30年,是1871年中日直接交涉以来最好的30年,在当前国际关系背景下,提出联合日本对抗美国是无的放矢,因此“撇开历史”或“搁置历史”不是解决当前中日关系的良策。近几年中日关系中出现的问题,如历史教科书问题,参拜靖国神社问题,都是日方引起的,不是中方引起的,为了进一步密切中日关系,推进亚洲和平,首先要解决日本政治领导人的历史认识问题．改变“脱亚入欧”的思想路线。     

中国谋求打开对欧关系的努力

20世纪60年代初,随着国际形势的变化,特别是中苏关系的破裂,中国在对外关系方面做出重大调整,重点是谋求打开对欧关系。为此,中国在公共关系、经济和政治外交等领域积极展开活动。总的来说,中国在上述领域所做的努力是有成效的,特别是中法关系正常化标志着中国对欧外交的一个重大突破。但也要看到,中欧关系总体上依然发展缓慢,这主要是由于大多数西欧国家仍不能摆脱美国的控制来发展对华关系造成的。     

Japan post-9/11: security policy,executive power and political change in an ‘un-normal’ country

This article argues that in contrast to the USA, United Kingdom, and Australia, the impact of 9/11 on Japanese executive power largely has been restricted to the realm of Japan's foreign policy and relations, with comparatively little effect on domestic policy. Indeed, the 9/11 attacks and ensuing War on Terror served mostly to augment an already existing trend in Japan towards constitutional reform and away from the duopoly on political power and policy traditionally shared between the Japanese bureaucracy and the Liberal Democratic Party factions.     

Defence,the Family and the Battler: The Democratic Labor Party and its Legacy∗

The split in the Australian Labor Party (ALP) of the mid-1950s had a lasting impact on both the political and industrial wings of the labour movement. In electoral terms the creation of the Democratic Labor Party (DLP), and the DLP's second-preference strategy, in particular, had adverse consequences for the ALP. This article re-examines the DLP in terms as a political party, a promotional pressure group and as part of a social movement. The article argues that as a party, the DLP was a failure largely due to its narrow focus on anti-communist defence and foreign policies. But as part of a social movement, it was far more successful and its legacy was still evident in 2007, and was found in the non-labourist social conservatism of the Howard government.     

Looking to the past,uncertain about the future: Japan's politics in an era of disaster and stagnation

The Japanese state and society face major challenges due to more than 20 years of economic stagnation and steady political transformation. The books reviewed here dissect a nation in the midst of change: its politics, political economy, and response to the triple disaster of the Tohoku earthquake, tsunami and Fukushima nuclear incident (commonly referred to by the Japanese as 3.11) in 2011. John Dower considers Japanese difficulty in confronting its wartime past, while Frances Rosenbluth and Michael Thies lay out the broad sweep of Japan's political history. Ellis Krauss and Robert Pekkanen focus an institutional lens on the evolution of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) from hegemonic to merely dominant party, while Leonard Schoppa and colleagues examine the emergence of a two‐party system since the political shakeup of 1993–1994. Robin LeBlanc employs a gender approach to parse the nature of male values and show how they shape the actions of political candidates and activists. Lucy Birmingham and David McNeill provide an on‐the‐ground view of individuals reacting to the 3.11 calamity. The McKinsey & Co. collection includes varied articles, from optimistic pieces urging Japan towards a quick rebound to more sober assessments of long‐term national decline. Together, these books provide an excellent snapshot of Japan at a metaphorical turning point.     

世纪之交的问题意识与新范式探索--日本学者对中国"结构变动"的研究

"文化大革命"结束后,日本学者对现代中国研究的思想史范式提出质疑,开始系统地探索从政治结构的角度阐释中国的历史与现实.到90年代,在历史连续性与不连续性的维度上分析中国的"结构变动"成为日本学者刻意追求的新范式,他们尝试通过对中国政治、经济、社会与外部世界关系诸方面的结构变动分析,提出对中国以及中国改革开放的总体性认识.     

中日环境合作的战略互惠性

经过2006年10月以来中日两国领导人的数度互访,努力构筑“基于共同战略利益的互惠关系”（简称“战略互惠关系”）成为新世纪双边关系的基本框架。环境合作是双方首脑共同确认的“战略互惠关系”的重要内涵,更被各界冀望于成为提升和深化双边关系的突破口。从环境问题的全球性发展、中日双边关系的转型以及环境合作对于今后中日双边关系的重要性等角度来看,中日环境合作所具备的战略互惠性决定了这一领域必然成为未来较长一段时期两国关系的突出“亮点”。     

The Democratic Party of Japan's security policy and Japanese politics of constitutional revision: a cloud over Article 9?

A Referendum Law took effect in Japan in May 2010. Since a referendum is a prerequisite to any change to the Japanese ‘Peace Constitution’, this is an event with potentially far-reaching consequences. By gauging the Democratic Party of Japan's views on the issue of revision of the constitution—particularly revision of the famous Article 9, with remains a foundation of Japanese security policy—and by extrapolating on the findings, this article aims to further the understanding of the new government's security policy more generally. After finding that the probability that the Japanese government will capitalise on the coming into force of the Referendum Law to reopen the constitutional debate is currently low, the article advances a number of hypotheses as to why this is the case, and discusses scenarios under which the status quo could change. Finally, it draws out the implications (a) of the preceding analysis for DPJ security policy, and (b) of DPJ security policy for the interpretation of the constitution where Article 9 is concerned.     

"一个中国":中国共产党对台方针政策不变的原则--写在《反分裂国家法》颁布一周年之际

新中国成立以来,中国共产党的对台方针政策虽然经历了从"解放台湾"到"一纲四目"乃至"一国两制"的演变,但坚持一个中国、维护祖国统一、捍卫国家主权和领土完整,是其不变的原则.中共十六大以来,中共新一代领导集体在坚持原则的同时,寄希望于台湾人民,处理两岸关系更趋务实灵活,进一步加强了其在两岸关系基本格局中的战略主导地位.     

‘What has Ghana Got That We Haven't?’ Party Politics and Anti-Colonialism in Botswana, 1960–66

This article offers a re-examination of the period leading up to independence in Botswana, formerly known as the Bechuanaland Protectorate, between 1960 and 1966. With the use of original archival material from Botswana and the United Kingdom, it aims to explain why the Bechuanaland Democratic Party overwhelmingly defeated the Bechuanaland People's Party in the March 1965 elections for self-government. Botswana's post-colonial transition was unusual for being without a mass, social movement for national self-determination. The Democratic Party, led by Seretse Khama, favoured close cooperation with the British colonial authority and a gradualist transition to independence, while the People's Party closely adhered to the ideology of anti-colonialism and demanded immediate independence. This article will argue that the Democratic Party won independence due to its sacrifice of anti-colonial credentials, in the short term, in favour of a political platform that addressed the long-term challenges of Bechuanaland's quest for viable statehood. The research helps to explain why Botswana was slow to develop closer relations with fellow independent African states. As a provincialised history of decolonisation, this article shows the potential for variance within the wider anti-colonial movement, which incorporated diverse actors, agendas and geopolitical conditions.     

论日本国民意识演变对日本外交的影响

中日邦交正常化三十多年来,中日关系经历了许多波动和曲折,其原因既有国际政治环境的因素,又有中日双方在实际交往过程中的政策和措施上的问题。而在各种因素当中,日本的社会思想意识,特别是对华认识的变化应该说是最根本的影响和制约因素。本文仅以冷战后日本社会思想意识的变化与对外政策,特别是对华政策的相互关系为考察对象,从国际政治环境、社会体制、舆论的变化进行考察,并进而分析今后日本对华政策的变化趋势。