“开明专制”思想的先导——论邵作舟极具特色的政治改革思想

洋务运动时期,新派的改革要求多在经济、军事、教育方面学习西方,创办洋务新政,争取富强。邵作舟独树一帜,力主以政治改革为本。认为一国历史文化造就了一国之民性,民性是国家制度的基础;中西民性不同,中西制度必然不同;"开明专制"可使中国迅速崛起。对于社会经济发展而言,中西方各有其"势",即各有其发展动力,西方之势在民,中国之势在君。他主张加强君权,同时吸收西方民主因素,以民意为基础进行决策,实即建立开明专制。这些在中国近代思想史上具有重要价值。     

近代中国自由主义的困境——30年代民主与专制论战透视

在内乱外患频仍的30年代中期,一批深受英美文化影响、笃信英美民主制度的知识分子,突然一反以往地力主在中国实行个人独裁的专制统治,从而在自由主义知识分子内部引起了民主与专制的激烈论争。尽管这次争论对实际政治的直接影响并不明显,但无疑是中国现代政治思想史上值得重视的一页。而且,这     

转型期中国青年知识分子的政治参与

政治参与(political participation)也称参与政治,是现代政治学理论的一个核心术语。所谓政治参与,中国学术界将其定义为“公民通过一定的方式和渠道试图影响政治过程的行为”。在民主政治条件下,政治参与是政治体系的基础,是政治民主化的必要前提和重要标志。十一届三中全会以来,在改革大潮的推动下,中国进入了全面社会转型时期。在此转型期间,社会结构、政治经济运行机制以及思想文化领域都发生了全面而深刻的变革。中国青年知识分子作为用知识武装起来的公民,必成为转型期推进中国现代民主政治发展的中坚力量。青年知识分子通过何种方式…     

走向最后的觉醒--抗日战争时期的陈独秀

陈独秀晚年在贫病和政治失意中不屈于国民党专制的迫害,仍放言心曲,倡言抗战,倾心民主政治,保持其独立的思想和人格。其晚年关于民主政治思考的文字被称为“中国现代政治思想史上稀有重要文献”。     

浅谈近代中国的市民阶层

近代以来,有识之士一直追求建立独立富强的民主宪政国家。构建现代民主宪政国家的必备条件便是有相当数量的市民阶层。晚清时期,清政府的各项改革措施催生了近代中国的市民阶层。近代中国市民阶层涵盖范围较广,其在促进中国近代化过程中起着重要作用。     

开明专制的文本解析——叶卡特林娜二世《指导书》评述

叶卡特林娜二世以开明专制君主称于史,莫定她这一历史地位的献,就是致法典编篡委员会的《指导书》。《指导书》是叶卡特林娜二世开明专制的政治宣言书和精神境界的本,也是18世纪自由主义政治理论实践性的登峰造极之作。它反映了叶卡特林娜二世具有比较明显的启蒙思想意识,是她实行开明专制统治的指导性件。     

关于近代中国政治民主化进程的几点认识

关于近代中国政治民主化进程的几点认识徐宗勉政治民主化是中国近代历史发展的要求,是中国走出传统社会,实现现代化的一项不可缺少的内容。它不仅来自同专制主义政治的对立,也是争取民族独立和国家富强必然要提出的目标。所谓政治民主化,就是由专制的政治体系向民主的...     

陈树人：国画革新之旗手，民主革命之猛士

广东是中国民主革命的策源地,也是近现代艺术革命的策源地。在这片岭南大地上,还曾孕育出一位革命家与艺术家集于一身的传奇人物——陈树人,他不仅是国画革新之旗手,也是民主革命之猛士。陈树人积极投身革命活动,为推翻专制王朝,争取民族解放事业作出了重要贡献。陈树人在革命生涯中始终不曾忘怀艺术创作,大力倡导艺术革命,成为岭南画派一代宗师,其诗画作品无不描绘出时代风貌,体现民主共和的时代精神,彰显民主革命思想。     

“少数人的责任”：近代中国知识分子的士大夫意识

传统中国的士大夫精英意识，在晚清“四民社会”解体之后，虽然一度被平等的国民意识所取代，但国民内部智性和能力的不平衡，使梁启超等人产生了“既有思想之中等社会”这一新的士大夫意识；而到五四启蒙运动，个人观念的崛起又进一步在意志和理性上强化了知识分子的精英意识，其合法性基础也从个人的德性转变为现代的知识。人民固然是国家的主人，但政治和舆论的操盘者，应该是具有现代知识和政治能力的知识分子。近代中国知识分子的士大夫意识，与另外一种相反的平民意识相互激荡，形成了近代中国思想界的两歧性分野，也构成了近代中国知识分子丰富复杂的内心世界。     

国会解散与进步党的分裂瓦解

1913年11月4日袁世凯以非法命令取消国民党议员资格,致使国会不足法定人数而解散,这是斩断中华民国法统的重大事变.国民党被查禁后,进步党是唯一的重要政党,但熊梁内阁副署命令引发进步党分裂为国会派(议会民主派)和内阁派(开明专制派).以熊希龄、梁启超为首的内阁派基于开明专制思想,希望通过依附北洋派的专制力量推行自己的开明政策;而以国会议员为主体的国会派坚持议会政治理想,不肯通过牺牲国会的尊严来延续国会的存在.维持国会的活动终于失败,进步党也在两派纷争之中逐渐瓦解.进步党的失败标志着民初各派分享权力格局的结束和袁世凯独裁统治的开始.     

清末城市自治思想及其对近代城市发展的影响

清末,一些有识之士发现城市自治制度是西方民主政治的基础性结构后,自觉地将实现民主政治的愿望寄托在争取城市自治之上。清末地方自治的实践主要侧重于城市进行,使城市自治运动实质上成为地方自治运动的主体。政治民主化城市优先发展的思路由此初露端倪,并且成为近代城市在政治层面发展的主线,影响着近代城市的发展走向。城市自治思想使近代城市的发展具有以追求实现民主政治为目标指向的主观精神动力。     

Mill’s closet: J.S. Mill on solitude and the imperfect democracy

This paper focuses on the role solitude played in John Stuart Mill’s political thought. By doing so, it challenges contemporary appropriations of Mill’s thought by participatory, deliberative and epistemic theories of democracy. Mill considered solitude to be contrary to political participation and public debate, but nonetheless regarded it as essential for democracy and for intellectual progress. Since the early 1830s Mill began developing an idea of solitude while simultaneously forming a particular kind of a democratic model which I refer to as ‘imperfect democracy’. According to this model, democracy is restrained by non-democratic elements which offer a contrary spirit and are not incorporated by democracy. At first Mill believed the ‘leisured class’ would fulfil this task, but later considered solitude as a possible solution. This paper follows the way in which these ideas were crystallised in Mill’s thought, and by doing so offers a novel interpretation of Mill’s political thought and his nuanced understanding of solitude, political participation and democracy.     

Young Mr. Lincoln in Ford's Theater

In Young Mr. Lincoln, director John Ford and screenwriter Lamar Trotti engage an issue that is central to Ford's films and to Lincoln's political thought. That issue is the tension between individual greatness and the rule of law, a tension heightened in a democracy by the demos's passion for equality. In the film's portrayal of Lincoln, Ford and Trotti suggest a solution to this tension that is fundamentally consistent with the one Lincoln suggested in the Lyceum Address. To remain within the political community, the great man must hold a sincere reverence for the law and be willing to exhibit humility in declaiming his own superiority. In the context of these characteristics, greatness can be a force that preserves the law and protects the community from harm. The film depicts Lincoln as the paradigmatic combination of these characteristics and alludes to his mature leadership based on these commitments in his later career.     

Liberal Imperialism in Australian Political Thought, 1902–14

British politics immediately following the Boer War featured a group of politicians and intellectuals known as the Liberal Imperialists and this account explores the political thought of their Australian counterparts. Australian liberal intellectuals of particular relevance for this study were located in Melbourne, which was at that time the federal capital, and they were loosely clustered around the key political figure of the period, Alfred Deakin. The extended circle of Alfred Deakin provides scholars with a useful group of active intellectuals from whom it is possible to derive an idea of the Australian inflection given to Liberal Imperialist thought, concentrating on the intersection of notions of imperial unity and progressive social reform agendas which flourished in both Australia and Britain during the Edwardian era. The group of politicians and public intellectuals, comprising an overlapping membership including the Imperial Federation League, friends and associates of Alfred Deakin and the Boobooks Club, would subsequently evolve into the main Australian branch of the Round Table organisation. This article is concerned with discovering the outlines of the Australian version of Liberal Imperialist thought and especially the nature of the Australian inflection superimposed on this British set of ideas, as found in a variety of contemporary pamphlets, printed books and Boobooks minutes. The Australians were less pessimistic than Richard Jebb about the possibilities of a supranational imperial organisation but also insisted that such an organisation must respect the sovereignty of dominions. They differed from most of their British counterparts in supporting the widespread use of tariffs to nurture industry and they also supported the restrictive immigration position enshrined in the infamous White Australia policy, yet they were much in favour of the notion of a strong British navy.     

吉野作造独立人格刍议

从人格角度观察,近代日本知识分子可分为独立型,依附型和人格断裂型三种,吉野作造是近代日本人格独立型知识分子的典型代表,他的“民本主义”是大正民主运动的指导思想,他在思想－组织－运动的整个环节中始终保持了人格的独立,吉野作造是控日本知识分子的理想类型,日本社会的正常发展正是要仰赖这类知识分子。     

论洋务知识分子的对外贸易思想

洋务知识分子在对外贸易上主张：以中国的优势产品推行出口型贸易战略;发展本国机器工业以实现“进口替代”;组织公司以发挥对外贸易的团队优势;强化政府的宏观管理以改善贸易的内外环境;采取保商政策等。这些主张的提出,适应了时代的发展要求,从而把传统的国内贸易思想和对外无足轻重的贸易意识提高到了立国强国的现代贸易的思想高度。这对当时及此后重商、重工思想的发展以及社会经济的进步都产生了积极影响。     

Analisi della fede e critica della ragione nella filosofia di Pierre Bayle

This article re-examines the political thought of the neglected Fabian essayist and radical journalist William Clarke. Historians have differed over the relative importance of socialism and liberalism in Clarke's political thought. The argument is made here that the key to Clarke's thought lies in his moralised conception of democracy, rooted in his monist ontology. The further deepening of democracy was threatened for Clarke by developments in monopolistic capitalism and the related emergence of a new imperialism. Clarke's understanding of democracy, rather than more overtly economic considerations, lies at the heart of his political religion, and links his views on domestic and foreign affairs. As befits a philosophical monist, his political thought reveals the limitations of established dichotomies for grasping the character of progressivism in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Britain.     

The Dualism of Urban Governance in Denmark

The article argues that the present Danish urban policy and urban democracy can be characterized by a striking duality and tension between: (1) Participatory empowering welfare oriented community strategies, which targets deprived districts and neighbourhoods, which are based on notions of the inclusive city. This trend is founded on priorities of radical democracy, social justice, inclusion and citizens empowerment; (2) Neo-elitist/corporative market driven strategic regional and global growth strategies, which are based on notions of the Entrepreneurial Globalized City and where urban policy becomes a question of facilitation of the “growth machine” and neo-liberalized urban authoritarianism. The article discusses dilemmas for overcoming the growing tension between elitist neo-corporate growth regimes, which are in operation via “Quangoes” and closed elite networks, and community empowerment and welfare oriented policy in the age of globalization. Taking the stand of community empowerment and welfare policy, the article conclusively discusses ways to shape a new inclusive politics of difference including using “positive selectivism” as part of an empowerment strategy.     

What is national self‐determination? Nationality and psychology during the apogee of nationalism*

Abstract. The idea of national self‐determination propounded at the 1919 peace conference centred in Paris marked a new era in international relations. In this article I re‐examine the history of the idea of national self‐determination in this period by situating it in the context of ‘the psychological turn’. I argue that national self‐determination came to serve as a popular philosophical basis for post‐war democracy among Entente liberals at a time when the Enlightenment equivalence between democracy and ‘self‐determination’ was under challenge from new scientific depictions of the unconscious and irrational, and the biologically determined self. The focus of my discussion is the psychological discourse that threaded through the versions of national self‐determination articulated by British and French intellectuals during World War I.