Too few nutrients and too many calories: climate change and the double burden of malnutrition in Asia

About half of children age under five worldwide who are classified as undernourished (84 million out of 151 million) or overweight or obese (17.5 million out of 38 million) live in Asia. Tackling malnutrition in Asia is however fairly complex since the nutritional transition, a consequence of rapid economic development and globalisation, made many Asian nations undergo the simultaneous burdens of under- and over-nutrition. The dual burden of malnutrition is characterised by a concurrence of undernutrition along with overweight and obesity within the same individual, household, community, region and/or country. Providing that household food security is closely linked to malnutrition, this raises questions about the implications of climate change on the dual burden of malnutrition. That climate change affects food availability, access, utilisation and stability is evident. Accordingly, households facing food insecurity due to climatic shocks may allocate food differentially. Adult members may receive low-cost high-calorie food inducing obesity, whilst children receive nutrient-poor foods leading to undernutrition. Little is known about the climate impacts on the double burden of malnutrition and how this affects population subgroups differentially. This Editorial discusses the potential impacts of climate change on the double burden of malnutrition and concludes with the recommendation of strategies to tackle the issue.     

One among many renegades: the Serb janissary Konstantin Mihailović and the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans

ABSTRACT

Konstantin Mihailovi?, a Serb born in Novo Brdo, was taken by the Ottomans and became a janissary in Mehmet II’s army. After he returned to the Christian side, he penned a report on Ottoman governance, religion, military structures and tactics. It explained by organisational advantages, fairness to subjects of all faiths coupled with deceit vis-à-vis enemies, divisions within Christendom, and providential history’s retributive measures, why the ‘heathen’ had the upper hand. But the author, Konstantin, remained discreet. Autobiographical details on his years as a janissary are scarce. He had risen high in the Ottoman system. While conveying his expertise about the enemy to Christian courts was his key to a further career, he also had to conceal that he had been an important member of the janissary corps, and probably had converted to Islam. The first imperative, sharing expertise, complicated the second, self-silencing, and made it impossible to dissimulate fully.     

Political Obstacles to Decentralization: Evidence from Argentina and the Philippines

Decentralization has swept across the developing world in recent years. Although the speed and scope of the shift toward more decentralized practices is striking, decentralization is neither inevitable nor irreversible. Rather, it faces enormous political obstacles and can be subject to serious setbacks. This article accounts for attempts by national politicians to thwart decentralization in two countries that recently adopted some of the most significant decentralizing changes in their respective regions: Argentina and the Philippines. Based on fieldwork in each country, it suggests that even after the political decision to decentralize has been made, national politicians may face deep‐seated incentives to preserve centralized control over fiscal policy. In Argentina, President Carlos Menem partially reversed the previous decentralization of revenue because fiscally‐independent provincial governors were a challenge to his political interests and capabilities. In the Philippines, legislators attempted to reverse and then circumvent decentralization since it threatened their status as brokers claiming personal credit for negotiating fiscal transfers from the centre. The article identifies an intermediate outcome in both countries, according to which decentralizing policies are neither entirely reversed nor implemented as initially designed.     

Migration in the Northern Philippines: the second wave

The author hypothesizes a set of processes of importance for understanding particular examples of peasant-pioneering resettlement. Where competition exists between groups, which are for all purposes equal, that population which is the least committed will have the greater social advantage in situations involving change. Being in the initial stage of making its adaptation, the uncommitted group does not operate under the social constraints and obligations of established groups. The new group does not have to restructure established social relationships to take advantage of new circumstances. As a limited test of this hypothesis, an attempt is made to explain two similar historical events in northeast Luzon: the displacement of Ibanags and Gaddangs in the Cagayan Valley by Ilocanos during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the post World War II displacement of the Ilocanos by other Ilocanos. The success of the newcomers was due to hard work and freedom from kinship ties or similar commitments to the existing social organization. This same pattern of successful secondary pioneering, with socially alienated families intruding on peasant communities, is apparent elsewhere in Southeast Asia. The author suggests that his hypothesis be applied and tested in other parts of the Philippines and Southeast Asia.     

The many ways of caring: Anthropology's contribution to the nursing profession

Madeleine Leininger. Transcultural Nursing. New York: Masson Publishing U.S.A., Inc., 1979. 742 pp.     

American Colonialism in the Philippines: Different but still Colonialism

Book reviewed:
Julian Go and Anne L. Foster, eds. The American Colonial State in the Philippines, Global Perspectives . Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2003. 312 pp. Index. $79.95 (cloth), $22.95 (paper).     

The Potential of e-Learning to Address the Needs of Out-of-School Youth in the Philippines

This paper reports on the findings of focus group discussions designed to explore the learning and skills-based needs of out-of-school youth in the Philippines, particularly addressing their reasons for leaving school, their current activities and employment, how they acquire skills and knowledge, what they want to learn about, their use of Information and Communication Technologies, and their future employment plans. It was undertaken in the context of the development of a programme of e-learning through ICT Centres to be delivered in support of the country's 5 million out-of-school youth.     

It Takes Modern Means to be Traditional: On Recognizing Indigenous Cultural Communities in the Philippines

The main thesis of this essay is that being recognized as traditional or indigenous requires the employment of modern means. A form of ‘Bureaucratic Orientalism’ has been devised, constructing and reaffirming ‘the Other’ through the minutiae of administrative procedures and contemporary representational processes. These procedures exist for the twin purposes of establishing the right to act as an indigenous group, and of circumscribing the obligations of the state, and possibly of other institutions of governance. The entire debate is the expression of a dilemma that has no solution but is actually an expression of modernity. The three pillars upon which indigeneity is affirmed are a national (internationally legitimized) legal system, the contemporary world of NGOs, and the institutions of local government. Thus, through the very process of being recognized as ‘indigenous’, these groups enter the realms of modernity. The Philippines provide a case study for these explorations.     

Mining amid armed conflict: nonferrous metals mining in the Philippines

In recent years the government of the Philippines has attempted to accelerate the growth of the nation's economy by encouraging the extraction of its mineral resources by multinational corporations. The Philippines is also a nation beset by armed violence carried out by anti-state groups. This article discusses how the presence, and activities, of these groups generate problems for a mining-based development paradigm. The article examines: the literature on the topic of natural resource abundance and conflict, how there have been attacks upon mines by armed groups, how mining companies have served as a target of extortion, how grievances related to mining can act as a source of conflict, how mining could disrupt the peace process with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and how mines are accompanied by a militarization of the area in their vicinity. Ultimately, violence is a manifestation of poverty and social exclusion inherent in Philippine society. Mining may not diminish, and indeed may increase, this poverty and social exclusion. Unless poverty and social exclusion is alleviated the violence will continue and alternative efforts to develop the Philippine economy will be precluded.     

Climates of control: Violent adaptation and climate change in the Philippines

This paper considers the limits of adaptation as a concept in global environmental governance and advocacy by examining the climate change policy of the populist Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte. By focusing on heterogenous state responses to the 2018–2019 El Niño drought, I demonstrate how the Duterte administration has worked to achieve a violent vision of climate adaptation through a jarring combination of practices: exhorting the devastating reality of climate change; denigrating multilateral mitigation efforts as colonial injustices; subverting indigenous peoples' land rights; and fostering the extrajudicial assassination of activists. Though Duterte's wider climate change policies are often viewed as a strategic distraction or the isolated product of an erratic populist, I argue that these recent responses to climate change in the Philippines, which fuse decolonial and nationalist sensibilities to confrontational forms of illiberalism, should be examined as part of the larger unfurling of illiberal adaptation politics across Philippine history and the Global South. These politics, and their considerable (though far from total) local resonance, challenge both universalist Western political rationalities and new directions in climate justice movement calling for ontological inclusivity. I highlight the need for a closer examination of the origins, practices and implications of violent adaptions.