莫普司法改革与法国旧制度的崩溃

1770至1774年间,法国的司法大臣莫普进行了一场司法改革,旨在消除高等法院的反抗倾向,重新树立王权的绝对权威,并使司法体系合理化。虽然改革以失败告终,但它构成了旧制度末年重要的政治转折。国内史学论著中很少提及莫普改革,在国际史学界对它的评价则引起了长期的争论。本文在吸收前人研究成果的基础上,力图探讨旨在挽救君主制危机的莫普司法改革如何加速了旧制度的灭亡,促进了大革命的来临。     

派系分合与民初司法界的改造

民初司法界的部院之争不仅因政权更迭之初,法律制度不备、权限不清,而且有其明显的派系根源,带有党派和南北之争的色彩。章宗祥、江庸均是清末沈家本修订法律馆系统之嫡传,在与许世英、徐谦("部派")的博弈中最终胜出。随后章、江携手排斥"部派"所用南方党人,重整部院力量,透过人事布局和制度建设交互配合,整顿司法乱象,使司法人事至少在四五年里保持基本稳定和连续。这与司法总长频繁更迭的表象颇有不同。同时,章、江推行法官回避、司法甄拔与考试、司法讲习所、法官任用及奖惩、司法收入特别会计等制度,并极力抵制军政势力干涉司法,终使司法事业颇有基础。章宗祥、江庸从人事和制度两方面对民初司法界的改造,构成彼时司法发展的一大转折,是理解北洋前期司法制度与人事变迁的一条主线。     

法官助理制度改革之新思考

近年来,随着法官职业化进程的日益推进,法官助理制度在我国法院改革中被提上日程。各地法院对审判组织系统内部特别是法官助理的设置进行了深入的探讨,应该说法官助理的地位特殊,其设置也对审判工作产生了积极的影响,但在实践中因各地做法不一致,也出现了不少问题。作为一种新生的制度,如何建立并发挥该机制的积极效益,是我们司法改革应该追求的目标。     

关于我国司法体制改革的若干思考

我国现行司法体制中存在司法权力地方化、司法活动行政化、法官职业大众化等弊端。推进司法体制改革,要改革司法机关的领导体制,树立司法的极大权威,建立完善的司法监督体制,建设一支高素质的司法队伍,重新界定和配置或限制检察权。     

就地正法与清代刑事审判制度——从晚清就地正法之制的争论谈起

就地正法是在晚清引起广泛争议的重大司法问题。但就地正法之制并非始于晚清,而是清代刑事审判制度的组成部分。就地正法是相对于死刑审判复核监督制度所做的特殊制度安排,主要适用于紧急情况下,从重从快处理谋反、叛乱和聚众抗官等严重危及统治秩序的案件。而死刑审判复核监督制度是死刑审判的基本制度,适用于平时。两共同构成清代的死刑审判制度。从清代刑事法律制度运行看,施行就地正法不可避免,但这项失去有效司法监督的应急性死刑审判制度,存在随意性和扩大化等诸多弊端,尤其是在晚清镇压太平天国运动之后的持续施行,引起死刑审判复核监督制度与就地正法制度之争,及中央与地方司法审判和监督的权力之争。争论的结果是,尽管最终限制了就地正法的实施范围,但直到清末法律制度根本变革前,这一问题并未解决。     

论媒体监督对司法工作的影响

权力必须受到监督和制约,司法权力也不例外,其主要措施是对司法权实施内部和外部监督。媒体监督是外部监督的主要措施。本文着重论述了媒体监督对司法工作的影响,提出规范媒体监督和司法关系的基本思路,以营造良好的司法环境。     

试析我国司法监督行政的制度效力及其成因

本文从法院行政诉讼和检察院反贪腐两个视角考察了我国现阶段司法监督行政的制度效力,发现司法监督已经成为我国行政监察体系中的重要组成部分,发挥着解决官民纠纷、反贪腐、传播法治文化、促进社会和谐等作用。但同时也表现出非对抗性监督特征和日常监督效力差、独立监督能力有限等制度不足。本文认为,党领导法治建设的背景,以及其他监督机制运行成本较低的现实导致了这一制度效果差。我国司法监督行政具有很大的制度发展空间,但这需要党领导下的持续制度改革和法治经验积累。     

新中国成立初期司法改革运动缘起新探——以对旧司法人员的政策调整为线索

1952—1953年司法改革运动是党和政府领导人民群众全方位改造司法机关、探索建立人民司法制度的重要部署。司法改革运动的兴起与新中国成立初期的清理“中层”运动、“三反”运动密切相关,体现了党和政府对推动司法建设认识的不断深化。司法改革运动解决了法院系统因留用旧司法人员导致旧法观点和旧司法作风残余等问题,坚持和加强了党对司法机关的领导,在制度建设、组织建设等方面促进了新中国人民司法体系的发展,为1953年开启的大规模国家经济建设提供了坚实的司法保障。     

北洋时期的政治分立与司法统一

在北洋时期的多数年份里,全国绝大部分省区与北京政府都保持着司法统一.南北政治分立使南方各省与北京政府之间的司法关系发生了不同程度的断裂.南方各省之间的政治状态以及司法行政与审级管辖的差异导致各地司法关系断裂的不同步.促使司法关系中断的最主要因素,是南方各省建立了最高审判机关.     

司法公开的现实意义探讨

司法公开是司法实施的重大改革项目之一,在司法公开对现实的影响来说,主要有四方面的意义,即司法公开加快了司法独立;形成严格的司法惩罚制度,树立了司法权威;为实现司法公正做出表率;能够维护整个社会的正义。本文主要是探讨司法公开的现实意义。     

The development of party rule in the judiciary: personnel changes and political transformation of the Nanjing government’s judicial center, 1927–1937

After the establishment of the Nanjing Nationalist government in 1927, the Guomindang (GMD) gradually founded a national regime and started to implement the principle of “governing the nation by the party.” But the party-rule was not implemented immediately and effectively. In the early years of the Nationalist government, its judicial branch mostly hired former Beiyang judicial officials, who generally pursued the ideals of judicial independence and politics transcending party lines, ideals established in the Beiyang period. In 1932, when Ju Zheng became the president of the Judicial Yuan, founding members of the GMD began to replace the Beiyang officials in the judicial center. This personnel change was completed around 1935. Meanwhile, due to national crisis and the GMD’s concern that the judicial status quo did not meet its political needs, the GMD began to emphasize the political nature of the judiciary and to advocate the party-ization of the judiciary. Consequently, eight years after the founding of the Nanjing Nationalist government, GMD party members began to obtain de facto control of the judicial center, symbolizing the completion of the shift from Beiyang judicial practices to GMD party-rule in the judiciary. Nevertheless, during the following years, the GMD failed to penetrate, dominate, and integrate the middle and lower levels of the judicial system, where the judicial ideals and personnel structures still strongly retained their Beiyang legacy.     

The Early Supreme Court and the Challenges of Riding Circuit

The ratification of the United States Constitution ushered in a new system of government. No longer did the thirteen states merely hang together by the threads of a confederation; they now bonded to each other as one nation. Organized chiefly by the first three articles of the Constitution, a federal government began to take shape. The Framers expressly laid out the functions and duties of the first two branches in the first two articles—the legislative and executive. However, Article III, which organized the judiciary, remained short and ambiguous. The Founders charged the First Congress with the task of organizing the federal judiciary. Even after Congress created the judiciary, however, questions still plagued the system. This essay argues that the actions taken by the Justices of the early Supreme Court to ease the burden of circuit riding expanded and further defined the judiciary's role as a branch of government.     

THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY, DISCRIMINATION, AND ACADEMIC PERSONNEL POLICY

During the Seventies more than 133 civil rights decisions regarding academic personnel practices were issued by the federal judiciary. Various statutes were utilized to test the validity of personnel record confidentiality, academic credentials in job selection, pension plans and salary systems, and contract renewal, promotion and tenure decisions. Generally academic institutions lost when they challenged the jurisdictional and procedural authority of the government, but won a substantial majority of cases where individual faculty attacked a personnel decision. Overall the most significant trend was the growing willingness of federal courts to require that academic personnel policies conform to broad principles of civil rights law. In the Eighties these principles may substantially alter traditional personnel policies in higher education.     

The judicialization of politics,Italian style

Abstract

The recent dramatic changes in the Italian political scene have been related to the expanding role of the judiciary. The judicialization of politics is a process at work in many other democracies, but in Italy the judicial revolution has been supported by an institutional setting of increasing independence and by the strong powers entrusted to public prosecutors. However, until 1992 judicial power was somewhat balanced by the strength of the political class. But the political crisis that came to a head in 1992 has opened a political vacuum that the judiciary has been able to fill.

The 1996 elections have brought to power a new and stronger political alliance, the Ulivo. A new political stability could lead to a containment of judicial power but it is unlikely that the Italian judiciary will be brought back to its traditional passive role. Judicialization has to be considered a permanent trait of the Italian political system.     

评清末民初的留学生归国考试

留学生归国考试是介于废除科举和实施文官考试之间的一种独特的选拔人才形式。它不仅检验了早期留学活动,并且影响着留学生活动的规模与方向,推动了中国留学活动进入新的阶段。它不仅对科举制度进行了批判性的总结,并且为文官考试在形式与内容上树立了榜样,推动了中国新式铨选制度的建立。     

The High Court of Australia and political science: A revised historiography and new research agenda

The judiciary has not been the subject of sustained scrutiny within the political science discipline. The High Court plays a central role in the Australian political system, however, and the exercise of judicial power has far reaching consequences for the legislative and executive branches of government. This article presents a historiography of the study of the High Court by political scientists, using Helen Irving's ‘The Constitution and the judiciary’ as a foil. In order to foster cross-disciplinary study and research within the political science discipline, this article concludes by setting out a new research agenda for the future study of the High Court and the law by political scientists. This research agenda provides new insights into (among other topics) how judges exercise power and the changing relationship between the judiciary and the legislative and executive branches.

在政治学里,司法并不一直是审视的对象。不过,高等法院在澳大利亚的政治体系内扮演了关键的角色,司法权力对于立法和行政部门有着深远的影响。本文将政治学者对高等法院的研究做了历史的梳理,采用了海伦厄万的“宪法和司法”理论为参照。本文为将来政治学者研究高等法院及法律提出了新的研究课题,希望以此促进跨学科以及政治学科的研究。这些课题探讨法官如何行使权力,探讨司法与立法以及行政部门之间变动不居的关系。     

清代地方审级划分的再思考——乾隆朝行政实践下的动态变通性和相对稳定性

学界关于清代地方审级的划分有三种主要观点,它们既有结论上的分歧也存在共通之处。本文利用议驳类刑部黄册,从驳案改正的角度,证实清代地方四层基本审级。地方审级的划分不是绝对的静态概念,本文在行政实践的宏观范畴下,重点依据山西、湖南两省的个案,动态考察地方审级中直隶厅州本管案件是否经由道审转的变化调整过程。地方审级等制度规定在动态运行中具有变通性,但相对稳定是其另一特点,行政实践下的地方审级是动态变通性和相对稳定性的统一。而在具体层面,中央和地方官员、地方内部的督抚与司道,又因为职位不同而使得彼此的立场与思维略有差别。     

改革人事档案“终身”制之我见

随着社会主义市场经济的发展和干部人事制度的改革,人事档案管理的“终身”制已越来越不适应新形势发展的需要。对此,笔者建议,可以借鉴法国《档案法》的有关规定,允许人事档案有一定的封闭期。同时,建立人事档案的多种形式,即一人一生可以只有一份人事档案,也可以有多份人事档案,也可以没有人事档案。     

Law and order in the age of Theoderic the Great (c.493–526)

Theoderic the Great has long been considered a supremely able ruler whose reign ushered in a period of unprecedented peace and prosperity to the Italian peninsula. A common explanation for this was his ability to provide justice swiftly and equitably by means of a highly Romanized judiciary. But as in the later empire, corruption and venality posed serious challenges, as did problems associated with the limitations of a pre‐modern government. While Theoderic attempted to remedy these structural weaknesses through the creation of new offices, the available evidence challenges long‐held assumptions as to just how successful he was in this regard.     

Not a right but a public function: the debate in the French National Assembly over the 1872 law on jury formation

Because of the highly politicized nature of the French judicialsystem in the nineteenth century, laws governing the selectionof jurors were often the subject of strong political debate.There were repeated controversies over which citizens shouldbe jurors and which authorities should draw up the annual jurylists from which the trial panels were drawn. Perhaps no eventbetter reflected the nature of the controversy than the debatewhich occurred in the National Assembly in 1872, when the conservativegovernment proposed an act which gave the judiciary power torevise the annual jury lists drawn up by elected officials.However, liberal deputies opposed the act because they maintainedit gave too much power to a conservative judiciary in determiningwhich citizens should be jurors. The debate in fact went tothe heart of the nineteenth-century struggle between the Rightand Left.