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1.
Juliette Schwak 줄리엣 쉥크 《亚洲研究评论》2016,40(3):427-444
Since 2008, the South Korean administration has invested significant budgetary and political resources in its nation branding strategy, involving the private sector and Korean citizens in this endeavour. This article takes Korea as an exemplary case study of the way many states have enrolled their citizens, through nation branding, in the construction of a collective competitive identity. This study is based on an empirically deductive methodology, looking at the industry literature on nation branding, official sources, iconography and videos from the Korean nation branding campaign, and drawing on interviews with actors and observers of this campaign. I suggest that Korean nation branding should be seen as a continuation of the capitalist developmental project initiated by Park Chung-Hee in 1960s. Lee Myung-Bak’s nation branding campaign belongs to a series of strategies aiming at transforming South Korean into a successful global site of capitalist accumulation. This path dependency involves citizen mobilisation, and this is analysed through a Foucauldian prism: this article shows that although modalities of social control have evolved with the democratisation in 1987, they still play a role, combining coercion and non-coercive technologies of the self, in seeking to transform Korean citizens into competitive capitalist subjects. 相似文献
2.
Abstract Concerns about supplies of food have been a feature of Japanese politics since Japan started modernising in the second half of the 1800s. It has remained a prominent political issue even after Japan cemented its status as a wealthy country in the 1980s, with the Japanese Government continuing to protect domestic food production from international competition. Protectionism is a curious policy for a country so dependent on world trade, including for food. Protectionist practices have led to entrenched interests in some sections of government and industry. Protectionist ideas are used in nationalist arguments against food imports. The protection of domestic food production, however, resonates positively well beyond the groups that benefit economically from protection and those that indulge in chauvinist notions about the dangers of “foreign” food. The issue, therefore, is broader than interest-group capture or xenophobia. We find it is deeply embedded in Japanese policies relating to food domestically and internationally, and goes beyond government policy as such, involving ways of thinking about protection of national culture, and social and environmental responsibility. Michel Foucault’s notion of governmentality helps to explain this approach to food security, accounting for the balancing act between free trade and protection as well as the pervasiveness of this rationality beyond government as such. 相似文献
3.
中缅边界中的"麦克马洪线"问题及其解决 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
中缅边界中的"麦克马洪线"问题是英国在中国西南边疆进行殖民扩张的产物.中缅双方通过友好协商,本着互谅互让的精神,在1961年全面解决了包括"麦克马洪线"问题在内的中缅边界问题.中缅成功解决"麦克马洪线"问题的经验,对中印边界问题的解决具有借鉴意义. 相似文献
4.
特木勒 《中国边疆史地研究》2000,(2)
１３６８年,元廷退出大都以后,元顺帝幻想得到高丽的援兵以恢复元朝的统治。反元亲明的恭愍王高丽并未发兵扶助北元,但是为“击东宁府”,高丽与北元保持了近一年的表面友好的外交以探察其形势。 相似文献
5.
Partitioned identities? Everyday national distinctions in Northern Ireland and the Irish state 
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下载免费PDF全文 Jennifer Todd 《Nations & Nationalism》2015,21(1):21-42
How does political structure affect ethno‐national distinction? Partitioned societies are a good test case where we can see the effects of changed socio‐political circumstances on historically inherited distinction. This article takes nominally identical distinctions of nationality and religion with common historical roots and shows how they are differentially understood in two polities partitioned in 1920: Northern Ireland, a devolved region of the United Kingdom, and the Irish state. Using a data base of interviews with over 220 respondents, of which 75 in Northern Ireland, conducted between 2003 and 2006, it shows how complex, potentially totalising and exclusive ‘ethnic’ and ‘ethno‐national’ divisions are built up from simpler and more permeable distinctions. Respondents interrelate the same elements into a loosely‐knit symbolic structure – different in each jurisdiction – which frames expectations and discourse, and which is associated with different logics of national discourse, one focussing on personal orientation, the other on group belonging. The resultant ‘ethno‐national’ distinctions function differently North and South. 相似文献
6.
1927年国民政府奠都南京后,南京与滞留市内的江苏省发生严重利益冲突。市方为解决问题提出扩大市区、重划省市界线,由此引发涉及划界之江宁县民的强烈抵制,使得双方原本单纯的行政和经济利益博弈因掺杂勘分省界更加复杂。双方厘清市权和扩大市区的过程一波三折,国民政府作为居中调停者的态度亦多次反复。整个事件的动态变迁过程,不仅凸显了近代以来地方主义兴起后地方纠纷的复杂性,也折射出国民政府高层的权力斗争和民族主义化的城市发展理念,以及中央与地方、政府与社会之间复杂而多元的互动关系及近代城市发展的若干特点。 相似文献
7.
孙景超 《中国历史地理论丛》2018,(1):142-151
朝鲜古地图中保存了清代中朝边界的诸多重要信息。通过对多种朝鲜古地图的解读,考察了其绘制方法与特点,重点分析了穆克登碑、图们江源、"间岛"及鸭绿江下游岛屿等边界地区在地图上的表现方式与变化轨迹。可以看出,朝鲜古地图在绘制方法受到了中国传统舆图的深刻影响,在内容上反映了绘制者对本国历史、地理状况的认知,也体现了其领土观念与"北拓传统"。 相似文献