Not Just the Center, the Periphery, Too

“It means nice place in the Tibetan language,” he says. I tell him that the Yarlung Tsangpo is not such a “nice place” for the people of Assam living downstream-because it has repealed its annual flooding venture. But in Tibet, the Tsangpo flows peacefully from its birth in the Kailash range in the far west of the Tibetan plateau.     

执政党建设与中国政党制度的民主价值

当代中国正处于剧烈的社会转型期,多元利益诉求引发的政治参与膨胀,对政党制度民主价值的进一步挖掘和发挥提出了更高的要求。执政党党内民主的发展,直接影响到社会民主以及整个国家民主政治发展的进程,而加强执政党的建设则是充分发挥中国政党制度民主价值的关键路径。     

The Past is Not Another Country: Exploring Indigenous Histories in Bolivia

The concept of indigeneity is founded on an historical relation: my people were here before yours and are therefore legitimate occupiers of this land. This aspect of indigeneity, and its concomitant claim to justice, is most clearly articulated in the indigenous politics of postcolonial nations and the rhetoric of indigenous leaders. The discourses of politicians who invoke five centuries of oppression are frequently heard and easily accessible but much less so are the views of indigenous people far from the arena of metropolitan politics. In its focus on European colonisation and conquest the standard understanding of indigeneity necessarily invokes Western concepts of identity and being focused primarily on descent and a particular relationship to history, that of being a conquered people. This paper looks at how the people of one Aymara‐speaking hamlet understand their history and their place in it. It explores the profound differences in historical consciousness to that of “mainstream” indigeneity and raises questions about how people relate to their past; the importance of the Conquest to indigenous people; and, consequently, the consequences a differently rooted identity may have for the contemporary politics of indigeneity.     

Not Just a Jesuit Atlas of China: Qing Imperial Cartography and Its European Connections

In the literature, the ‘Overview Maps of Imperial Territories’ or Huangyu quanlan tu 皇輿全覽圖, is mostly referred to as ‘the Jesuit atlas of China’. The reason is that this early eighteenth-century atlas of all Qing China’s territories plus Korea and Tibet is assumed to have resulted from European missionaries importing European cartographic practices. In this essay, I argue that this view is outdated and can no longer be sustained. By revisiting the background of the missionaries’ involvement in cartographic exchanges between Asia and Europe, the techniques used for surveying Qing territories and the production of the resulting atlases, I show that the mapping project behind the ‘Overview Maps of Imperial Territories’ is best understood as a creative answer to the unique needs of Qing frontier management and imperial control, made possible by the integration, in mensurational and in representational terms, of European and East Asian cartographic practices.     

政党现代化视域的选人用人论析

政党现代化是一个不断制度化、规范化、科学化的过程。选人用人是政党的重要功能。选人用人的合法性和科学性,是政党现代化的题中应有之义遥。只有在厘清公共权力、执政党和民众政治参与的逻辑关系的前提下,才能科学把握政党现代化的一般规律,并遵循这个规律来选人用人。     

论国共重庆谈判的政治性质

重庆谈判就其政治范畴而论,是国共围绕联合政府与一党训政的政治对立,展开的若干次对抗中的一个回合。中日战争结束之际,由于美苏分别确认国民党政府的惟一合法地位,并分别决定由国民党接收日占区,为此,改变了原有的国共力量对比,从而打断了原有的国共关系调整进程。在此条件下,重庆谈判以中共收回联合政府要求作为政治基础,以交出解放区作为主题。结果,双方互有胜负。重庆谈判的政治性质表现为,联合政府口号在其推进过程中遭遇的一次严重的政治挫折。重庆谈判的知名度与它的历史地位并不对称。     

中国特色政党制度与社会的关系

政党与社会的关系是政党政治的基本关系之一。政党制度作为政党政治的实现形式,是社会不断发展的产物,同时它又对社会发展产生着重大影响。在我国,中国特色政党制度与社会主义社会的关系,除具有一般政党制度与社会的关系外,还具体表现为中国特色政党制度与社会利益群体、社会资源和社会意识形态的关系。     

大力弘扬中国共产党的政党精神

全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程,既要注重研究中国共产党政党建设的实践领域,叉要注重研究中国共产党政党建设的精神领域。中国共产党的政党精神是中国共产党赖以生存和发展的精神内核和化品格．它集中反映了我们党的先进思想、远大追求、科学态度和坚强意志,是党的事业生动实践中的理性升华。是中华民族精神的时代结晶,是永葆党的先进性的强大动力．无论过去、现在和将来,都是我们党特有的政治优势和宝贵的精神财富。中国共产党政党精神的具体形态由党所处时代条件、肩负使命和面临任务所决定。中国共产党政党精神的创建与形成有其内在的辩证发展逻辑,进入新世纪．中国共产党需要重点创建、培育与弘扬“四种”政党精神。     

Not Just a 'Dating Game': Origins of the Holocaust at Auschwitz in the Light of Witness Testimony

Historians now view Auschwitz as marginal to the origins ofthe Holocaust. In a surprising volte-face from a generationago, Historians now accept what can be called a ‘transformationnarrative’. That is, most accounts cast Auschwitz, notas first mover, but as late comer to the destruction of theEuropean Jews. This fits a much larger historiographical movementattributing the Final Solution to a local initiative withina disorganized, even ‘debureaucratized’ German state.Once again, this departs completely from, say, Raul Hilbergor Hannah Arendt, who defined the Holocaust as a crime uniqueto modern, organized society. Thus, in the case of Auschwitz,what some have come to ridicule as the ‘dating game’—thealmost obsessive attempt to identify a precise microchronologyof the final solution—has larger implications. It cutsto the heart of whether we see the Holocaust as a crime of amodern, dynamic industrial state or as a haphazard initiative. This article uses testimony from the three most relevant professionalgroups that built the genocidal factories of Auschwitz to reassessthe current consensus. Contrary to the ‘transformationnarrative’, little evidence supports the argument thatthe SS and its independent contractors were somehow divorcedfrom efforts to mechanize genocide from Minsk to Lublin to Oswiecimin the autumn of 1941. The testimony as a whole—drawnfrom civilian managers, SS architects, and prisoner-engineers—leaveslittle doubt that the new crematoria of Birkenau were intendedfrom the beginning (that is, from October 1941) as gas chambers.The ‘transformation narrative’, ironically enough,finds support in only one account: the internally contradictoryand almost desperate testimony given by one former SS architectat his own trial. To put a fine point on it, the ‘transformationnarrative’ hews most closely to a dubious defence narrativegiven by a perpetrator, in which neither his lawyers nor hisfellow defendants placed much credence.     

Another Time,Another Place

This paper explores the way in which the languages of space and time condense and how the values of spatiotemporal fluidity and fixity are gendered. It considers several narratives from South Pentecost, Vanuatu, stories of primordial beings and of more proximate ancestors which alike stress women's association with flight and flood. Such narratives are situated in the context of labour migration in colonial history and more recent patterns of migration to towns. Here too, the movement of men and women is differentially constructed. These processes are considered in the context of recent feminist theories of the relation of spatiality and temporality, in modernity and ‘postmodernity’.     

Governed by Experience: Political Careers and Party Loyalty in the Senate

In this article, we study the U.S. Senate to understand how legislators' previous experiences in elected office influence their political behavior. We posit that, as a result of their experiences in office, former governors in the Senate are less partisan than their colleagues. We code the political jobs held by senators between 1983 and 2015 and analyze the effects of these careers on party loyalty in Senate floor votes. We find that gubernatorial service is associated with a 7–8% decrease in Party Unity. We test several hypotheses for the observed “governor effect” and find that, relative to their colleagues, former governors are supported by donor networks that are less ideologically extreme. We conclude that the unique experiences associated with serving as governor, along with the personalized nature of governors' electoral support coalitions, affect a senator's relationship with the party. Ultimately, our analysis illuminates how personal attributes, such as prior experience in elected office, can inform the study of legislative behavior.     

"武主文从"背景下的多重变奏:战时国民党军队的政工与党务

抗战爆发后,在国共两党合作竞争的战略互动下,国民党军队的政工和党务重新恢复。但在"武主文从"的大背景下,文职的政工人员与职业带兵官难相颉颃,政治工作成了军队的附庸,党务又成了政工的附庸。在黄埔系和力行社的参与和长期掌控下,政工、党工与特工三位一体,更使国民党军队的政治工作蒙上了一层诡异的色彩。同样是"党军",共产党确实做到了枪由党来指挥,兵受"主义"训练。苏联红军政工制度被移植过来后,在中国不同政党的运用下,竟结出两种截然不同的果实。     

The Personal Is Not Political: The Progressive Conservative Response to Social Issues

The American religious right is often taken as the paradigmatic illustration of how conservatives responded to contestation over social issues such as same-sex rights and abortion. This article establishes that the response of Canadian conservatives – as expressed by the Progressive Conservative party – was quite different. The Progressive Conservatives held to a norm, grounded in their party's version of conservative ideology, that rendered partisan mobilization on social issues illegitimate. Rather, the party treated such topics as moral issues on which decisions, if they had to be made at all, ought to be made on grounds of personal conscience. The norm helped limit social conservative mobilization in Canada until the early 1990s, when the Reform Party replaced the Progressive Conservatives as Canada's major right-wing party.     

如菊（外三首）

悠然南山，我离得太远。 但我知道，我是南山的一坯黄土，裹着腐朽的草叶，情愿在九月守候成那一派萧瑟，就你的韵香，望着蓝天。     

中国共产党建设马克思主义学习型政党的基本经验

重视学习、勤于学习、善于学习是中国共产党的一大优良传统,也是党的事业兴旺发达的一条重要经验。回顾90年来中国共产党建设马克思主义学习型政党的历程,可以总结出许多宝贵经验。90年来,中国共产党通过明晰学习目的、健全学习制度、丰富学习内容、创新学习方法、营造学习环境、拓宽学习途径、搭建学习平台等方式方法,极大地推进了马克思主义学习型政党建设。