George Orwell on Political Realism and the Future of Europe

George Orwell perceived the possibility of a postwar united Europe, based on regional integration along social-democratic lines, as a means of survival in a world struggle rather than as a preamble to peace. This was the logical conclusion of his understanding of political realism: his endorsement of its assumption that violence is endemic to social life and that the force-wielding sovereign cannot be done away with. Yet Orwell also had reservations about realism. He argued that a purely realist analysis that was not normatively connected to any values outside itself would go astray because analysts would be unable to factor in their own positions and would thus lose the analytic distance from their objects of study. Orwell was thus as suspicious of a politics managed by experts as of the utopian anticipation of a violence-free world. His world-view, rooted in realist necessity while leaving room for the values of democracy and socialism, offered a vision of a postwar united Europe that fostered the spirit of solidarity and could endure the existential struggles of world politics.     

乔治·奥威尔和卡尔·魏特夫

今年是英国小说家乔治·奥威尔百岁诞辰。国内外都出版有关著作纪念他 ,尤其在西方。他的名著《一九八四》以反对“极权主义”著称 ,载誉至今 ,并引起争议。若干年前 ,同样反对“东方极权主义”的美国史家卡尔·魏特夫的百岁诞辰却是冷冷清清的 ,形成鲜明对照。他和他的代表作《东方专制主义》早已风光不再。本文对这两位名家以及他们不同的遭遇进行了分析。     

George Orwell and the Palestine Question

This article discusses George Orwell’s attitude to Zionism and the Palestine question, a controversial and emotional subject in left-wing circles in his time and since. There have been a number of studies on Orwell’s attitude to Jews and anti-Semitism and some of these have touched upon Orwell’s approach to Zionism. However, his stance on the Palestine question specifically deserves further exposition. This is so, not least because on this subject too Orwell’s views—largely anti-Zionist—differed from the prevailing, passionate beliefs of most left-wing intellectuals of his time, including some of his closest friends and political allies. Furthermore, Orwell’s views were expressed at a time when the Palestine conflict peaked during the last decade of the British Mandate with results which resound to this day.     

Oppressive Rhyming: George Orwell on Poetry and Totalitarianism

In George Orwell’s 1984, the poet Ampleforth observes that “the whole history of English poetry has been determined by the fact that the English language lacks rhymes.” In this article I connect Ampleforth’s observation to Orwell’s many other writings on language and political control and then show how Orwell’s discussion of poetry’s resistance to political manipulation enhances Tocqueville’s and Burke’s accounts of totalitarianism. Specifically, Orwell illustrates how an easily “rhyming” polity is particularly vulnerable to totalitarian politics, while a society containing considerable disorder in its language and politics can be strongly resistant to such tyranny.     

Cultural Imperialism and Women’s Movements: Thinking Globally

This essay appeals to feminists everywhere to find ways to fight imperialist forces all over the globe by creating linkages and bridges between women who are in similar predicaments which are created by multinational corporations. Women’s movements are complex phenomena, and there is no fixed, ‘sacred’ theory or path to follow, because women develop consciousness of themselves differently in every place depending upon their social, political, economic, cultural and historical context. But the goal of creating a humane, free and just society should be the guiding principle in making theory, not just talking of individual ‘identities’ and ‘differences’.     

马克思的实践思维方式及其在中国的历史发展

马克思哲学变革的实质和意义,是以实践思维方式取代传统哲学的本体论思维方式。实践思维方式,是实践活动本身各种矛盾在哲学思维中的有机统一,是唯物论的实事求是原则和辩证法的否定批判原则的内在统一,它在本质上是一种主体性思维方式、类主体思维方式、超越性思维方式。马克思的实践思维方式在中国发展的三种主要历史形态是：变革思维方式、发展思维方式、创新思维方式;与此相适应的马克思主义哲学中国化的三种主要历史形态为：变革哲学、发展哲学和创新哲学。新世纪新形态的马克思主义哲学,本质上应是一种以创新思维方式为实质为核心的创新哲学;而变革哲学与发展哲学及其思维方式,则构成创新哲学及创新思维方式不可缺少的理论前提和范式基础。     

曾国藩政治思想的文化特性

作为近代湖湘士人的代表人物,曾国藩的显赫事功与特定的时代背景有着密不可分的联系,同时他的政治思想又集中体现了诸多鲜明的文化特性,既充满着”恢复民族固有美德”的守成性,又蕴涵了“倡导社会自强新政”的维新性,还很大程度上折射出”执两用中、刚柔互用”的中庸性。     

Cultural History,Nationalism and the Dignity of the Individual: The Work of George L. Mosse

Abstract. The recently deceased George Mosse was one of the leading cultural and intellectual historians of modern Germany and Europe. His important contributions to our understanding of modern culture were his historical analyses of racism, fascism, and nationalism as cultural phenomena of our times. This article concentrates on Mosse's analysis of nationalism.     

坎宁、伯克对格拉斯顿早期政治观和政治归属的影响

受家庭尤其是父亲的影响,格拉斯顿从小即成为十足的“坎宁派”。出于对坎宁的崇拜,早年的格拉斯顿在一切政治问题上几乎无一例外地追随坎宁,坎宁的内外政策实践与伯克的政治思想,启迪并引导着青少年时期的格拉斯顿,成为他汲取政治智慧的主要源泉;相应地,它们也在一定程度上规定了格拉斯顿早期的政治态度与倾向,使他的早期经历打上了鲜明的保守主义印记。     

影响马来西亚马华两族关系的文化与政治因素

从不同的宗教信仰对马华两族的融合与通婚的阻碍、自成体系的语言与媒体对彼此沟通的影响、族群政治动员在强化族群意识方面所起的作用等文化特征和族群政治的角度,探讨了影响马华两族关系的原因。结论是:马华两族宗教信仰和语言教育的区分、马来西亚特殊的族群政治态势,是影响马华两族关系发展的几个重要因素。     

汉室复兴的历程及其政治文化背景

新莽末年,饥民群聚,劫掠求生,进而形成大规模农民暴动。春陵宗室趁机发起复汉运动,同绿林诸将一道建立了更始政权,并一度得到天下豪杰的响应。但更始君臣暴虐无能,很快失去民心,葬送了人心思汉的形势,致使天下分崩离析。刘秀此时崛起于河北,并未得到民意的广泛支持。他一面用武力征讨不服,一面用爵禄招降纳叛,形成力量强大但结构松散的军事集团,经过十余年艰苦战争,纔消灭了各地割据势力。刘秀的权威和号召力先天不足,使得东汉的统治缺乏深固的社会基础。刘秀的许多举措,如加强中央集权、大力提倡谶纬等,都是为改善这一状况而推出的。     

中国共产党建设马克思主义学习型政党的基本经验

重视学习、勤于学习、善于学习是中国共产党的一大优良传统,也是党的事业兴旺发达的一条重要经验。回顾90年来中国共产党建设马克思主义学习型政党的历程,可以总结出许多宝贵经验。90年来,中国共产党通过明晰学习目的、健全学习制度、丰富学习内容、创新学习方法、营造学习环境、拓宽学习途径、搭建学习平台等方式方法,极大地推进了马克思主义学习型政党建设。