20世纪50年代美国的中东政策——从欧米加计划到艾森豪威尔主义的诞生

艾森豪威尔主义是20世纪50年代美国艾森豪威尔政府出台的中东政策,旨在引导部分阿拉伯国家参与其全球遏制战略,共同抵御苏联对中东地区的渗透,它构成了其后几十年美国中东政策的基础.而艾森豪威尔主义是在欧米加计划不能有效处理中东问题的基础上诞生的,是对欧米加计划的公开阐明,这突出体现了美国中东政策的连续性.     

论苏丹南方问题的成因

随着1955年苏丹过渡政府镇压南方兵变,一些南方人越过边界逃往临国,苏丹南方开始为外界注视。1963年苏丹南方问题国际化后,这一问题至今受到举世关注。苏丹南方问题是怎样形成的?我国有些学者认为:“它是英国殖民统治者利用苏丹民族矛盾,阴谋分裂苏丹造成的”,而苏丹“南方黑人与北方阿拉伯人之间民族矛盾的产生”又是“殖民者在苏丹猎捕、贩卖奴隶促成”的。①笔者认为,英国殖民统治者对苏丹南方问题的形成有其赖不掉的责任;此外,冤各有头,债各有主,矛盾自有根源。     

从犹太复国主义到后犹太复国主义

犹太复国主义作为一种社会思潮和政治思潮,同早期的犹太宗教文化存在各种内在联系。现代犹太复国主义容纳了不同的犹太思想流派,并赋予犹太教中的返乡复国以时代内涵,借此实现了古老弥赛亚观念的现代复活。以色列建国后,犹太多数派中的强硬思潮长期制约着以色列和犹太复国主义的走向。后犹太复国主义是后冷战时代以色列犹太社会中出现的一种新思潮。它对以色列的犹太种族特征和发展方向及其对阿拉伯人的政策等提出了一系列批判性新观点。尽管后犹太复国主义思潮尚未摇撼传统和极端犹太复国主义在以色列政府决策中的话语权,但它却对未来以色列政治的发展构成了不容忽视的潜在影响。     

民族主义建构中的政治认同——伊拉克复兴党民族主义政治实践个案考察

复兴党统治时期的伊拉克,由于在其特有的政治、宗教、文化环境中存在着许多变量,统治者可以按照其政治利益的需求来界定或重新界定国家的政治认同。萨达姆根据国家利益的需求强调和实行了几种不同的政治认同,即两伊战争期间的阿拉伯民族主义认同、海湾战争期间的伊斯兰主义认同和海湾战争之后的部族主义认同。伊拉克复兴党的多重政治认同在其政权生存中具有特殊的意义,但也有其致命的弱点。     

苏丹风俗一瞥

苏丹位于非洲东北部,濒临红海,国土面积约占非洲总面积的8％,是非洲面积最大的国家。由于地处热带,终年炎热少雨,因而又是世界上最炎热的国家之一。早在公元前,苏丹境内就已经有原始部落定居,从事简单的农耕和狩猎,是非洲地区历史悠久的古老国家之一,拥有光辉灿烂的古代文化。苏丹又是一个多民族的国家,全国多达600多个部族,是非洲民族成分最复杂的一个国家,但大体上还是可以划分为北部和中部的阿拉伯人,南部的非洲土著黑人。因大多数居民信奉伊斯兰教,一部分人信奉基督教和拜物教,因此苏丹的风俗礼仪因民族、区域和宗教的不同而有所差异。它既不是纯粹的阿拉伯家园,也不是简单的非洲黑人的国土。非洲     

"九一八"事变后日本"亚洲主义"意识形态的政策化

近代日本的“亚洲主义”并非一定以对抗欧美为根本目的,因而它与所谓的“协调主义”路线之间并不存在绝对的对立。这意味着“亚洲主义”意识形态的政策化存在着可能性。尤其在“九一八”事变之后的特殊历史背景下,它自下而上,由日本陆海军、外务省等各分支机构到最高首脑决策,经历了一个逐渐向外交国策渗透发展并最终讨论成型的复杂过程。可以说1933年斋藤内阁“五相会议”所制定的《外交方针》正是其政策化的典型表现。该方针将“协调主义”作为辅助手段,明确宣布今后日本的国策在于“实现帝国指导下日、满、华的提携共助”。这意味着“不放弃协调主义的亚洲主义政策”在当时已告形成。     

“凯末尔主义”与“泛突厥主义”关系探析

泛突厥主义是奥斯曼帝国末期产生的重要社会思潮和意识形态。土耳其共和国建立后,民族主义者以凯末尔主义思想作为立国基础,反对泛突厥主义。但是在人员、组织和思想等方面,凯末尔主义仍与泛突厥主义保持了较多联系,客观上为泛突厥主义在土耳其的长期存在提供了方便,并使土耳其的对外政策表现出一定的泛突厥主义特征。凯末尔主义和泛突厥主义之间的内在联系是由民族主义的性质决定的。认清这种联系,有利于加深对凯末尔主义以及当代土耳其内政、外交的了解与认识。     

移民社会的文化整合问题与统一后联邦德国文化多元主义的形成

德国统一后成为一个非典型移民国家。为应对外来移民文化与本国主流文化的整合问题,联邦德国形成了一套文化多元主义政策:一方面尊重和包容移民文化,另一方面要求移民必须在文化上融入主流社会。文化多元主义在文化机构、文化传播机构和宗教领域中的贯彻促进了德国非典型移民社会的文化整合。     

加拿大双语和二元文化讨论探析

加拿大的多元文化主义政策日益引起国内外学者的广泛关注。通过对该政策的分析,笔者发现,在多元文化主义政策的出台过程中,20世纪60年代的双语和二元文化讨论占有非常重要的地位,是多元文化主义政策出台的前奏。对双语和二元文化讨论进行深入分析,可以揭示它与多元文化主义政策之间的关系。     

沙特的雄心和掣肘

10月18日,沙特拒绝了安理会非常任理事国席位,此举引发了很多国家的愤怒和不解,却在阿拉伯世界得到了一边倒的赞许。从阿盟、伊斯兰合作组织、海湾合作委员会到埃及、土耳其、苏丹、阿尔及利亚,各种声援此起彼伏。它们认为在阿拉伯国家遭受无数次不公正待遇之后,沙特征正确的时间、正确的地点做出了正确的抉择。一时之间,沙特俨然成了阿拉伯世界的英雄和共主。     

Islamisation and politics in Sudan

Sudan achieved an Islamic revolution recently without violence. Through a ‘creeping’ revolution that started in the 1970s, Islamic fundamentalists have consolidated their power through wealth and systematic control of the civil service, the economy, the judiciary and the armed forces. The fact that the major political parties in northern Sudan, except the Communist Party, have been affiliated to religious sects does not mean all Muslims support the Sharia. Fundamentalists comprise 20% of Sudan's Muslim population, but they are richer, better organised and more highly motivated. The implementation of the Sharia has been accompanied by the entrenchment of dictatorial rule, a weakening of institutions, the erosion of civil liberties, the aggravation of the civil war in southern Sudan and an ever‐worsening economic malaise. The revolution has also caused apprehension in Washington and some African and Arab states, but there is as yet no evidence that Sudan poses a direct threat to its neighbours.     

Language Policy and Identity Conflict in Sudan

The Sudan, as it stands today, has clearly and definitely failed to form a united country. It has been involved in an internecine civil war. The war has not merely been a war of resistance against economic marginalization of the south, but one of racial or ethnic resistance to the dominant discourse in the north which lays claim to being racially and culturally superior. The violent political conflict that led to the secession of southern Sudan and the ongoing conflicts in some parts of the Sudan are legacies of the past. These legacies cannot be understood unless the tensions are placed in historical, political, and educational perspectives. This article attempts to describe Sudanese language policy and show its complexity, arbitrariness, and fluctuation. It aims to engage with issues of hegemony, language ideology, identity conflict, power asymmetries, and social inequality in language policy in the Sudan. The Arabic language has acquired dominant status while other languages have been marginalized in the process. This article also considers the historical diffusion of Arab identity and analyzes the relevance of the latter for civil conflicts and the cessation of the South. Finally, it closes with a discussion of the present day situation in Sudan and provides some critical reflections.     

Desert environment and origins of agriculture in Egypt

Examination of paleoclimatological and archaeological data from the Egyptian Sahara and the Nile Valley strongly suggests that management of animals and supplementary fanning appeared in the southern part of the Western Desert during the early Holocene under subarid conditions. Excessive annual and short‐term variability in rainfall, associated with pronounced temporal and spatial unpredictability of water and food resources, is considered one of the key factors stimulating the initiation of domestication. The onset of marked desertification during the 7th millennium bp motivated an eastward movement into the Nile Valley attested to by an almost simultaneous appearance of ‘Neolithic’ sites from the Delta to the central Sudan.     

The ambiguities of self‐determination: IGAD and the secession of South Sudan

This paper examines the 1994 Declaration of Principles (DoP) for the resolution of the Sudanese civil war, adopted by the Inter‐Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD). This was the only occasion on which an African inter‐state organization included separation as an option for resolving a civil war. It was the basis for South Sudan's independence in 2011. The DoP was drafted by the Ethiopian government, and imposed on belligerent parties, both of which were, at the time, unionist. The paper identifies two concepts of self‐determination within the DoP— independence for colonial territories and the Marxist‐Leninist idea of self‐determination for national groups. The rationale for including both arose from Ethiopian leadership within IGAD. The paper also examines the diverse Sudanese debates on self‐determination, including several strands of nationalism, Islamism, and the ‘New Sudan’ of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). There was radical disagreement among Sudanese on national identity and self‐determination, creating ambiguities that ironically facilitated the exercise in southern self‐determination in 2011. Drawing on documentation of Sudanese negotiations, the paper examines how the DoP unlocked the Sudanese debate on the issue, and how the different concepts fared up to the time of the independence of South Sudan.     

The Comfort of Denial: External Assistance in Southern Sudan

Aid organizations profess universalist objectives, such as humanitarian principles and human rights, whilst operating in areas in which these objectives cannot be fulfilled. How do they deal with the disparity between the claims they make and what actually happens? How are parts of the story covered up, and what do the stated objectives achieve? This article argues that denial — at a personal, organizational and institutional level — is crucial for sustaining assistance, and is facilitated by the language of rights and principles. Drawing on research from southern Sudan, it explores how aid organizations construct an official version of events that fabricates clarity whilst maintaining a degree of tactical confusion. This establishes a political morality, a seemingly ethical position that has political and psychological returns.     

NGOs,Disaster Relief and Asset Transfer in the Horn: Political Survival in a Permanent Emergency

Famines have winners and losers. Conventional analysis has concentrated on the losers: what has been neglected is that famines can result from the conscious exercise of power in pursuit of gain or advantage by the politically strong. This article is an attempt to analyse the process of political survival in the context of permanent emergency. Through examples of local asset transfer, and indicating how this process articulates with a wider regional parallel economy, the paper offers an analysis of political survival in the arc of crisis that runs from Sudan through southern Ethiopia to Somalia. The role of donors and NGOs is examined in terms of how they relate to the weak and the strong within the asset transfer economy. Donors are seen to have supported the strong whilst the position of NGOs is more contradictory. Although programme measures to protect assets have been developed, and the disjuncture between the rules of sovereignty and the protection of human rights has been highlighted, these measures have essentially failed. A review of trends since the end of the Cold War suggests that the chances of preventing the further consolidation of a transfer economy within the region are negligible. The position of those who gain from such a destructive se the process of political survival in the context of permanent emergency. Through examples of local asset transfer, and indicating how this process articulates with a wider regional parallel economy, the paper offers an analysis of political survival in the arc of crisis that runs from Sudan through southern Ethiopia to Somalia. The role of donors and NGOs is examined in terms of how they relate to the weak and the strong within the asset transfer economy. Donors are seen to have supported the strong whilst the position of NGOs is more contradictory. Although programme measures to protect assets have been developed, and the disjuncture between the rules of sovereignty and the protection of human rights has been highlighted, these measures have essentially failed. A review of trends since the end of the Cold War suggests that the chances of preventing the further consolidation of a transfer economy within the region are negligible. The position of those who gain from such a destructive process seems assured.     

Setting the agenda for evidence-based research on ending mass atrocities

The question of how mass atrocities end has been dominated by a normative approach regarding how they ought to end. Arguing that an evidence-based approach to terminate mass atrocities might offer profound insights into theories of mass atrocities as well as policies designed to prevent or end their occurrence, this article outlines the key questions and approaches needed for an evidence-based study of atrocity endings. It draws on theories of genocide, political violence and civil war termination, and presents initial insights from case studies, including the killing of civilians in colonial German Southwest Africa, the Soviet Union, the Nigerian civil war, the Guatemalan civil war, the Nuba Mountains of Sudan and Bosnia-Herzegovina.     

On the Origins and Dissemination of Domesticated Sorghum and Pearl Millet across Africa and into India: a View from the Butana Group of the Far Eastern Sahel

Four decades have passed since Harlan and Stemler (1976) proposed the eastern Sahelian zone as the most likely center of Sorghum bicolor domestication. Recently, new data on seed impressions on Butana Group pottery, from the fourth millennium BC in the southern Atbai region of the far eastern Sahelian Belt in Africa, show evidence for cultivation activities of sorghum displaying some domestication traits. Pennisetum glaucum may have been undergoing domestication shortly thereafter in the western Sahel, as finds of fully domesticated pearl millet are present in southeastern Mali by the second half of the third millennium BC, and present in eastern Sudan by the early second millennium BC. The dispersal of the latter to India took less than 1000 years according to present data. Here, we review the middle Holocene Sudanese archaeological data for the first time, to situate the origins and spread of these two native summer rainfall cereals in what is proposed to be their eastern Sahelian Sudan gateway to the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean trade.     

The Origin of African Sheep: Archaeological and Genetic Perspectives

Indigenous African sheep genetic resources have been classified into two main groups, fat-tailed and thin-tailed sheep. The fat-tailed sheep are the most widely distributed, being found in a large part of North Africa (from Egypt to Algeria) and in Eastern and Southern Africa (from Eritrea to South Africa). The thin-tailed sheep are present mainly in Morocco, Sudan and in West Africa. African sheep were domesticated outside Africa. They share a common ancestry with European and Asian sheep. Archaeological information supports separate introductions and dispersion histories for the African thin-tailed and fat-tailed sheep. The first sheep entered Africa via the Isthmus of Suez and/or the southern Sinai Peninsula, between 7500 and 7000 BP. They were likely of the thin-tailed type. Fat-tailed sheep entered Africa through its northeastern part and the Horn of Africa. Mitochondrial DNA analysis supports a common maternal ancestral origin for all African sheep, while autosomal and Y chromosome DNA analysis indicates a distinct genetic history for African thin-tailed and sub-Saharan fat-tailed sheep. The main ancestral population of southern African fat-tailed sheep likely originated in East Africa. Further work is needed to assess the possible dispersion of sheep from western Africa to the southern African regions.     

Official land disposal policies and European settlement in southern Africa 1860–1960

Land disposal by southern African administrations to European settlers between 1860 and 1960 was pursued on a more extensive scale than in the previous two centuries. This reflected the increased ability of local governments to seize land occupied by the indigenes. African land rights received scant attention as most of the sub-continent was taken by conquest, thereby offering governments the opportunity to settle Europeans upon the land. By 1860 the local European settler communities had achieved control over their own land policies, which were framed under political pressure from the rapidly growing rural European population. Land settlement policies were, however, severely constrained by existing practices, which emphasized extensive pastoral farming to the detriment of the development of crop farming and plantation agriculture.