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《中国西藏(英文版)》1995,(3)
OpeningtheWindowforTibetanArt¥//Thisyearmarksthe30thanniversaryofthefoundingoftheTibetAutonomousRegion.China'sTibetiscelebrat... 相似文献
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《中国西藏(英文版)》1997,(5)
Byearly1996,therewere146,000disabledpersonsinTibet,accountthepopulation.Thisil1dicatesthatone-thirdoftlimiIieshavedisabledmembers.thehighestproportioninthecountry.Amongdisabled.66.000havelimbdisabilitv.24.000impairmentinhearinga11dspeaking,20.000sightprob… 相似文献
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John Burton 《Australian journal of political science》1971,6(1):97-99
Sir Robert Menzies, The Measure of the Years, Cassell Australia Ltd., 1970, pp. 300, $6.95. Kylie Tennant, Evatt: Politics and Justice, Angus and Robertson Ltd., Sydney, 1970, pp. 418, $8.95. 相似文献
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Dagmar Haase Annegret Haase Sigrun Kabisch Peter Bischoff 《European Planning Studies》2008,16(8):1075-1100
In this paper, we analyse the appropriateness of monitoring approaches for the observation of inner-city reurbanization processes. Reurbanization is conceptualized here as a process of long-term stabilization of inner-city areas by both a readiness of present residents to stay and an influx of new residents. It has been recently re-set on the top of the European urban research agenda since non-growth has proved to be a major path of future development for many European cities. Recent research evidence across Europe underscores the fact that reurbanization depends much on local settings of institutional, socio-economic and infrastructural factors. To foster a clearer understanding of the nature and dynamics of local reurbanization, to assess its extent and progress and, what is more, to help practitioners to shape sustainable policy initiatives appropriate to the respective context, reurbanization needs to be observed over the long term. The complex character of reurbanization sets new challenges for monitoring approaches and indicator-based tools. Due to the genuine relation of the present debate on reurbanization to the phenomenon of non-growth or the return of the compact city, the focus in this paper is set on demographic development trends and their impact on inner-city change. In this vein, our paper presents a monitoring design and a respective newly developed indicator set for reurbanization which focuses more on the initial recognition of reurbanization than on its long-term stability. Methodically, chances and limits of the integration of household-related indicators and qualitative knowledge on reurbanization into monitoring tools are highlighted. Empirical and statistical evidence is taken from a recently completed EU FP 5 research project and from municipal surveys. 相似文献
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In their efforts to reduce federal deficits, national political leaders sometimes have embraced bold constitutional and statutory “reform” measures. President Reagan, for example, has campaigned for a constitutional amendment to permit the President to veto subsections contained within appropriations bills. This article describes the history and assesses the advantages and disadvantages of this proposed item veto. By pointing out potentially undesirable consequences of the item veto, we note that unintended side-effects may weaken Congress and provide more power than an effective president needs, and more power than an imperial president should ever have. We conclude the item veto is overrated and its effects not well understood. It would not greatly reduce deficits and it would disrupt the existing system of checks and balances. More important, it is an example of escapism from the basic tasks of statecraft and political decisionmaking that should be center stage in the legislative and executive branches. 相似文献
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Hou Miaomiao 《中国西藏(英文版)》2013,(4):14-21
An Unmarried Old Lady Padma Chodron The 65-year-old Padma Chodron lived alone in Group Six of some village in Chaqi before she came to the Nursing Home for the Elderly. She was childless and only had a 53-year old sister in the same village. Her sister and brother-in- law wanted her to live with them but she refused and has been living alone ever since. 相似文献
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Geir Kirkeben 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(2):173-191
Damasio (1994) claims that Descartes imagined thinking as an activity separate from the body, and that the effort to understand the mind in general biological terms was retarded as a consequence of Descartes dualism. These claims do not hold; they are Damasios error. Descartes never considered what we today call thinking or cognition without taking the body into account. His new dualism required an embodied understanding of cognition. The article gives an historical overview of the development of Descartes radically new psychology from his account of algebraic reasoning in the early Regulae (1628) to his neurobiology of rationality in the late Passions of the soul (1649). The author argues that Descartes dualism opens the way for mechanistic and mathematical explanations of all kinds of physiological and psychological phenomena, including the kind of phenomena Damasio discusses in Descartes error. The models of understanding Damasio puts forward can be seen as advanced version of models which Descartes introduced in the 1640s. A far better title for his book would have been Descartes vision. 相似文献
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Jakob Molinder 《Scandinavian journal of history》2017,42(3):273-298
It has been suggested that Swedish policy during the early post-war period was strongly directed towards mobility-increasing expenditures – most notably relocation allowances – aimed at moving labour from north to south. While this view has dominated the academic discussion on labour market policy, there is little direct evidence. We make three claims. First, the relocation allowances have to be evaluated against the regional policy. Second, by doing so we show that the mobility-oriented policy was predominant only for a short period of time: in the early 1970s, there was a decisive shift towards a policy directed at stimulating employment in the north. Third, drawing on this, we revaluate the previous view on policy making in Sweden. Our analysis suggests that the Social Democratic government acted in a voter-maximizing way. The relocation allowances were introduced at the behest of the Trade Union Confederation (LO). The regional subsidies were expanded when voter sentiment turned against the perceived depletion of rural regions. However, this strategy interacted with the political and institutional environment. The new election law in 1970 and political competition from the Centre Party pushed the Social Democrats to shift their policies on regional subsidies. 相似文献
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《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(1):36-63
This article focuses on the Peasants' Revolt of 1381 as a means of examining some of the late medieval assumptions about the nature of royal mercy. Rather than adding to the weight of scholarship on the causes and characteristics of the Revolt, this article discusses the views on mercy (‘grace for the rebels’)1 that were reportedly expressed by all parties during the course of the rebellion. The first section analyses the chronicles and their references to discussion of pardon and mercy during the revolt itself. The second section examines the role of the royal pardon in the subsequent judicial proceedings in the Home Counties — who were the first recipients of pardon, and how were they able to secure royal grace? The final section then discusses the formulation of the pardon in the autumn parliament, and the debate surrounding the course of government policy in the wake of revolt on an unprecedented scale. This article seeks to demonstrate that the Crown and commons shared a common language of pardon, and understood that by framing their discussion in terms of royal grace, they were alluding to a particular kind of idealised relationship between the king and his subjects. 相似文献
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Wendy Su 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2013,19(5):513-528
This paper seeks to explore the internal driving forces behind the emergence and prosperity of China’s cultural industries. The paper traces the Chinese Communist Party’s radical transformation from stressing the class stand and ideological nature of culture to concluding with the concept of ‘cultural industries’ so as to expand an orthodox Marxist/Leninist/Maoist notion of culture. The Chinese party-state legalizes ‘cultural industries’ by extending the market mechanism into the cultural arena, and acknowledges the triple statuses of culture as a public service provider, a market profit contributor, and an essential builder of the ‘socialist core value system.’ By doing so, the Chinese Party-state is able to take advantage of the economic power of the market while retaining the ideological control function of culture. As such, cultural industries become a mode of governance for the CCP to maintain cultural security and national identity, and a source of soft power to maneuver. 相似文献
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《中国西藏(英文版)》2000,(5)
TheauthorisanAcademicianofCAS.HonoraryPresidentofChina'sSocietyontheTbetanPlaleau.ThefiftyyearsforscientificsurveyontheTibetanPlateauisthataccompaniedwiththefoundationandgroWthofthePeople'sRepublicofChina,andthatrepresentedscientificproaresses,nationalunityandeconomicdeveIopmentin1ibetanareas.ItisthemostpraiseworthyscientificpracticeinChina'sscienceresearchduringthefiftyyears.Manyofus,fromyouthtooldage,havebeenworkingforitfornearlyfiftyyears.WenotonIycontributedOuryouthstagebutalsoallt… 相似文献
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《中国西藏(英文版)》1998,(2)
FollowingtheLivingBuddhaXaricangIntoTibetforthePeacefulLiberationofTibetBeginningwiththisissue,wecreateanewcolumncalledPastMe... 相似文献