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Paul C. Light 《Perspectives on Political Science》2013,42(1):10-15
AbstractThis study argues that Aquinas’ account of tyranny grants citizens a surprisingly wide ambit for resistance to tyrants but that such actions demand a tall order for even the most virtuous citizens: knowledge of the hierarchy of ends in politics and the prudence to apply it under the pressure of a tyrannical government. We consider sections of the Summa Theologiae and De Regno, Aquinas’ most sustained discussion of tyranny, to demonstrate the theoretical illumination that the former provides of the latter. De Regno, we argue, presents a negative teaching of the best regime and citizen, one in which citizens are shown the need for their own virtue in discerning the roots of tyranny and their remedy. With the Summa, we show how such prudential decisions fit within the orders of charity and piety: the citizen must come to see love of country as intrinsically ordered to love of family and God. Ultimately, Aquinas’ resistance theory rests on a hierarchy of ends for civil government that orders both ruler and citizen to God. 相似文献
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Settled by families from the South and the Northeast, during the 1800s Indiana was a cultural crossroads. Ceramic and faunal data recovered from excavations conducted at the Moore-Youse house and Huddleston farmstead in east central Indiana provide a relevant archaeological example of midwestern foodways during the nineteenth century. Vertebrate faunal material from the two sites reveals early use of wild resources followed by greater reliance on beef and pork after the 1850s. Stratigraphic analysis results of zooarchaeological information are also presented to illustrate diachronic trends in faunal use at the two residences. 相似文献
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Rabah 《Scottish Geographical Journal》2013,129(9):480-492
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Norman Sherman 《Perspectives on Political Science》2013,42(1):30-34
Abstract Political philosophy has a “curious” place in intellectual affairs. It wants to know whether philosophy has a place in the city. It also is aware that once political things have accomplished their purpose, the major issues of what-it-is-to-be-a-human-being remain. Aristotle warned that politics was not the highest science as such, but an understanding of politics that saw no place for anything but the political would end in a tyrannical exclusion of the human good from public life. Politics would claim that its definition of the good was the only definition. This exclusion meant that there was no natural or transcendent order to which man was open. The discipline of political philosophy, at its best, is open both to human and, indirectly, to divine things, as Artistotle intimated. 相似文献
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Dr Joseph M. Fernando 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2013,41(4):577-597
This article examines the role of the British jurist, Sir Ivor Jennings, in the drafting of the Malayan independence constitution. Jennings was part of a five-man constitutional commission appointed in 1956 and led by the Scottish lord of appeal, Lord Reid. Unlike other such commissions, but at the request of Malaya's chief minister, its members were selected from a range of Commonwealth countries. The article discusses the principles which shaped the final document as well as the process of drafting, and argues that, while the constitution was the collective effort of five distinguished lawyers, Jennings' contributions were significantly greater. His working papers on governance served as the basis for the commission's discussion and his influence is most discernible in the provisions relating to the distribution of legislative and financial powers between the federal government and the states and in the section on fundamental liberties. This article concludes that Jennings not only provided the intellectual leadership for the Reid Commission but was also the master draftsman of the new constitution. 相似文献
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1931年吉尔吉特写本的发现是继敦煌写本发现后亚洲佛教考古史上的重要事件之一。自从吉尔吉特写本发现以来,国际学术界虽然对其内容的研究日臻完善,但对其发现、出土的过程仍缺乏足够的了解。英国考古学家斯坦因是第一个关注吉尔吉特写本的学。他在进行第四次中亚考察期间。在吉尔吉特写本出土后不久。于1931年6月16日至6月22日间逗留吉尔吉特,其间对这次发现进行了全面的调查和记录,并首次将这一发现通过报刊公之于欧洲学术界。本从亚洲考古学史的角度出发。对英国牛津大学包德利图书馆等机构藏斯坦因考古日记、书信件等原始档案资料检查一遍。将其中与吉尔吉特写本的出土发现有关的资料加以整理,按照时间顺序公布于此,旨在为吉尔吉特写本研究提供一些背景材料,主要涉及到吉尔吉特写本的出土地点、出土时间以及吉尔吉特写本在发现之初的转手经过。 相似文献
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《Political Geography》2002,21(5):671-686
The collapse of Communism in the USSR and Eastern Europe between 1989 and 1991 was followed by a decade of new-found independence for two groups of states: (1) the former Soviet Socialist Republics of the USSR, and (2) the former Communist states of Eastern Europe, all but two of which were Soviet satellites. As part of an effort to redefine their character and relative location on the European stage, almost all of these states launched a cartography of independence, putting the world on notice that a new set of geographical realities had taken hold of the region. During the 1990s, maps were requested from each country’s embassy in Washington, DC; 15 of the 19 embassies responded, usually with multiple maps. Using perception theory, communication theory, and semiotic theory, these cartographic artifacts, some of which are presented in this article, were analyzed with the objective of understanding how each country wished to present itself in the post-Communist era. Through the lens of persuasive cartography, we are able to note the nation-building process at work and the emergence not only of newly independent countries but of a new Europe. 相似文献
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麦克米伦执政时期,塞浦路斯已成为英国的一种负担。岛内希腊族人要求归并希腊,为此与土耳其族人、英国殖民当局发生的武装冲突愈演愈烈。由于希腊和土耳其的介入,塞浦路斯问题日益复杂化和国际化。出于现实的考虑,麦克米伦政府不断修改对塞浦路斯的政策,最终在保留英国军事基地主权的前提下同意塞浦路斯独立。英国由此从塞浦路斯的泥淖中得以脱身,塞浦路斯岛内则获得了短暂的和平。 相似文献
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《Journal of Atmospheric and Terrestrial Physics》1994,56(7):841-843
Sir Granville Beynon has contributed much to the activities of URSI. Some memorable moments are recalled here. 相似文献
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《Journal of Atmospheric and Terrestrial Physics》1994,56(7):851-853
Sir Granville Beynon worked increasingly to enable the European Incoherent Scatter Observatory, EISCAT, to be established in Northern Scandinavia. Here, some specific recollections are brought to mind before they are forgotten. 相似文献
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F.R. Bridge 《国际历史评论》2016,38(2):264-274
ABSTRACTAlthough in terms of their bilateral relations the ‘traditional friendship’ between Great Britain and Austria-Hungary was no mere phrase, in general political terms British policy in the last decade before the War was characterised by Grey's determination to cultivate the ententes with France and Russia and to do nothing to upset that division of Europe into two balancing groups (with Austria-Hungary firmly in the German camp) which he saw as the best guarantee of peace. Even though the Austrians gradually recovered from the shock of the Bosnian Crisis, in which Grey had come forward against them as Russia's chief supporter, and though the British for their part came to see in Austria-Hungary a useful element of stability in the Near East, Grey's attempts to uphold the unity of the Concert in the Balkan Wars were in the end vitiated by his overriding concern to avoid offending his Entente partners. Indeed, as the crisis deepened in the last year of peace, he took refuge in an increasingly abstentionist attitude, the objective effect of which - and herein, it is here argued, lies Grey's responsibility - was to intensify Vienna's desperation and loss of faith in the Concert that soon proved fatal to peace. 相似文献
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Samuel M. Makinda 《Australian journal of political science》1993,28(1):118-134
Sudan achieved an Islamic revolution recently without violence. Through a ‘creeping’ revolution that started in the 1970s, Islamic fundamentalists have consolidated their power through wealth and systematic control of the civil service, the economy, the judiciary and the armed forces. The fact that the major political parties in northern Sudan, except the Communist Party, have been affiliated to religious sects does not mean all Muslims support the Sharia. Fundamentalists comprise 20% of Sudan's Muslim population, but they are richer, better organised and more highly motivated. The implementation of the Sharia has been accompanied by the entrenchment of dictatorial rule, a weakening of institutions, the erosion of civil liberties, the aggravation of the civil war in southern Sudan and an ever‐worsening economic malaise. The revolution has also caused apprehension in Washington and some African and Arab states, but there is as yet no evidence that Sudan poses a direct threat to its neighbours. 相似文献