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The politics of ambiguity is about multiplicities and is inherent in the politics of representation. Political satire has always been a weapon of critique levelled at those in positions of power, unmasking the disjunctures between the current slogans or discursive strategies of political pretenders and the stark social realities of the people whose interests they apparently protect. Political satire necessarily obscures complexities, precisely those complexities which are disavowed in the dominant discourses.  相似文献   

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J. I. 《考古杂志》2013,170(1):131-134
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我们研究粟特宗教艺术时,做一些初步的区别是十分重要的。首先,是要区分粟特中心地带(今天的乌兹别克斯坦东南与塔吉克斯坦以西之间)及散落附近广袤的聚居地(从黑海到中国,可能甚至更远)。考古调查显示,马兹达教(又作“袄教”)的地方形式传人粟特腹地成为当地的主要宗教。而佛教、基督教、摩尼教在粟特则受排斥。  相似文献   

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Journal of Archaeological Research - Archaeologists have long compared the Hohokam world of the North American Southwest to contemporary traditions in Mesoamerica and West Mexico. A degree of...  相似文献   

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1910年,朝鲜沦为日本的殖民地。朝鲜人民反对日本的殖民统治。大韩民国临时政府是朝鲜独立运动的代表。中国国民政府资助朝鲜独立运动,第二次世界大战给朝鲜独立带来新的机遇。1943年11月,罗斯福总统、蒋介石委员长、丘吉尔首相在开罗举行会议,发表声明。三大盟国稔知朝鲜人民所受之奴隶待遇,决定在相当时期,使朝鲜自由和独立。《开罗宣言》是反法西斯同盟发表的最重要的国际文件之一。1945年日本投降后,朝鲜半岛南北分治。美军在仁川登陆,建立军政府。1951年9月8日,《旧金山对日和约》签署,日本承认朝鲜独立。  相似文献   

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关于长安光宅寺七宝台浮雕石佛群像,前人研究已经很丰富.但是在风格、图像及复原等三个问题上还存在很多争议. 1.数量、年代、风格 关于七宝台浮雕石佛群像的造像年代,一种意见认为属于不同时期.如福山敏男1950年在<宝庆寺派石佛的分类>①一文中辨别出29件七宝台造像的年代分别属于贞观前期、武周长安年间和开元年间三个不同的时期.另一种意见,如1981年本山路美认为开元年间的铭文为追刻、这批群像都是长安年间作为七宝台内部庄严物品在德感的指导下完成的②.  相似文献   

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Twenty years after the publication of John MacKenzie's Empire of Nature, his characterisation of sport hunting tourism as a symbol of elite and imperial privilege remains strong. Using the example of two white hunters from New Zealand and their trip to Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) in 1926, this article elaborates upon MacKenzie's brief mention of hunters in Africa from cultures other than Britain. In particular, the article argues that ‘home’ hunting cultures—in this case of New Zealand—need to be considered thoroughly when examining meanings of hunting tourism, and, second, that hunting trips could serve a range of purposes beyond the notion of reinforcing colonial rule.  相似文献   

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Kate Manzo 《对极》2008,40(4):632-657
Abstract: This paper asks how images of children are used by prominent signatories to NGO codes of conduct. The answer is that images of childhood and shared codes of conduct are both means through which development and relief NGOs produce themselves as rights‐based organisations. The iconography of childhood expresses institutional ideals and the key humanitarian values of humanity, neutrality and impartiality, and solidarity. Images of children are useful for NGOs in reinforcing the legitimacy of their ‘emergency’ interventions as well as the very idea of development itself. But the dominant iconography is also inherently paradoxical, as the child image can be read as both a colonial metaphor for the majority world and as a signifier of humanitarian identity. The question then for NGOs using this image in social justice campaigns is whether overtly political accompanying texts can nullify the contradictory subliminal messages that emanate from the iconography of childhood.  相似文献   

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The establishment of the Presbyterian Church of the New Hebrides in 1948 as an independent church was viewed by some participants as a step towards the independence of the nation, which occurred some 32 years later. This paper argues that the church was slow to promote an anticolonial perspective through the 1950s, though, as Indigenous clergy took on more senior roles in the church, there was a corresponding increase in political consciousness. The trans-colonial experiences of many young clergy – for education around the region or for meetings in the newly formed Pacific Conference of Churches in the 1960s – exposed participants to anticolonial theologies and the decolonising Pacific. When Indigenous clergy gained full control over the Presbyterian Church in 1973, they simultaneously demanded the end to the Condominium.  相似文献   

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