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NO.1水上高尔夫既潮流又环保推荐地:长滩岛、马尔代夫挥杆,击球,球在空中划出一段优美的弧线后,远远落在一波万顷的水中并漂浮在水面,水上高尔夫作为一项全新独特的时尚娱乐项目,让高尔夫变得更加时尚而不奢侈。水上高尔夫利用人们回归自然,亲水嬉水的天性,并将     

The newshot Isle project

The economic events of the late 1950s and early 1960s precipitated a crisis of major proportions for British shipbuilding, hitherto one of this country's most important and prestigious industries. Severe competition from new and reconstructed economies in the Far East and Western Europe would terminally challenge outmoded management and labour relations in an industry which had led the world for a century. Although there would be no respite for British shipbuilders, the industry endeavoured to meet the challenge from abroad by embarking upon yard modernisation schemes, as if these alone were the panacea for righting the industry's deep‐seated problems. However, this agonising period was accompanied by the dramatic increase in the size of crude oil carriers, soon to be given the acronym VLCC (Very Large Crude Carriers), which added a twist of their own and give rise to the Newshot Isle Project.

These vessels, at that time approaching 250,000‐dwt, had prompted a number of foreign yards to construct large dry docks in which to build them. As dry docks appeared to be a highly efficient way to build such large vessels, several of the larger British shipyards pondered how they might reorganise their productive resources by constructing large dry docks within the physically restricted areas their yards occupied. For world renowned shipbuilders, John Brown & Co. Ltd of Clydebank, the extraordinary proposal was made, biblical in scale, to divert the River Clyde into a new channel and build three giant dry docks in the redundant riverbed. However, such a massive scheme would require public money, as the estimated £25 million it would consume was well beyond the means of beleaguered John Brown & Co. At the same time, the Labour Government of the day, alarmed at the crisis facing British shipbuilders, established a Committee of Inquiry to report in 1966 on restructuring and financing the industry in a hoped for return to profitability. This article looks at the imaginative but unfulfilled John Brown proposal, and charts its progress in the face of the Government's own proposals for shipbuilding on the River Clyde.     

Blair's project in retrospect

New Labour came into being as an attempt to frame a successor project to Thatcherism, but in practice it has proved to be a continuation of it. Blair's project was to achieve hegemony for Labour by blending free market policies with a concern for social cohesion. He accepted the new economic settlement that Thatcher had established, but believed it could be made more sustainable if it was tempered with a concern for social justice. Within the Labour Party his project was set in terms of modernizing social democracy, but in the country as a whole it was perceived as a variation on One Nation Toryism—a strand in the British political tradition which the Conservatives had seemingly forgotten. In fact, Blair's domestic agenda has had more in common with Thatcher's than with either social democracy or One Nation Toryism. There were significant constitutional reforms in the first term, but privatization and the injection of market mechanisms into hitherto autonomous institutions has remained the central thrust of policy. Blair has been committed to modernizing Britain, but his conception of modernization was a variation on Thatcher's. In one centrally important area, Blair diverges from Thatcher: he believes an essential component of Britain's modernization was an improved relationship with the EU, culminating in British entry into the euro. Yet his uncompromising support for the US over Iraq has left Britain as deeply alienated from France and Germany as it had ever been in Thatcher's time. Britain may still some day join the euro, but it will not be Tony Blair who takes us in. Blair's strategy was to attain hegemony for New Labour by appropriating the Thatcherite inheritance. In domestic terms, this strategy has been a success, but it relies on continuing Conservative weakness and an economic and international environment congenial to neo‐liberal policies. At present both of these conditions appear to be changing to Blair's disadvantage. The Conservative Party seems to be shaping a post‐Thatcherite agenda. At the same time, the US is leading a movement away from neo‐liberal orthodoxies towards protectionism and deficit financing and faces an intractable guerrilla war in Iraq. In these circumstances, the neo‐Thatcherite strategy that sustained Blair in power could prove to be his undoing.     

Disability and the NAMES project

This essay considers how the AIDS quilt can function within the public historical record as a disability artifact; it connects contestations over the quilt to contestations over the meaning of disability in American cultures. Although the AIDS quilt is a very different artifact from others constructed during the Disability Rights Movement, the movement that generated the AIDS quilt has likewise been propelled by a commitment to more democratic futures. This essay considers how interpretations of the past can contribute to such futures and asks what can be gained by broadening our still-fluctuating sense of what disability history might be.     

The Beaufort Inlet shipwreck project

Beaufort Inlet site 0003BUI was discovered off the coast of North Carolina in the autumn of 1996. Preliminary analysis of the site and its artefact assemblage has led researchers to tentatively identify the shipwreck as the pirate Blackbeard's flagship, Queen Anne's Revenge , known to have been lost near the inlet in 1718. A wide variety of artefacts have been recovered during the three field seasons conducted annually since 1997; this paper presents the most recent findings.     

The Sydney Cove shipwreck project

Lost in 1797 during a voyage from India to Australia, the wreck of the merchant ship Sydney Cove was rediscovered in 1977. A project to excavate and present material from the site was carried out by the designated management agency during the 1990s. The work has provided a unique insight into the merchant ships and cargoes that were vital to the early development of the Australian colonies. This paper presents a summary of the project upon its completion in 2001.     

Review of a research project

Industrialization and Foreign Politics. Some Aspects of Sweden's Economic‐Political Relations with the Great Powers, 1905–1945.     

The STSI-SOAS Indonesian television project

The Balinese Television Project is a collaborative venture between STSI Denpasar and SOAS, starting in 1990, to record, document, preserve archivally, and transcribe important Balinese cultural television broadcasts for educational and research purposes. The project now has an archive of some 1,500 hours of selected broadcasts, and is supposed to be among the largest archives on non-Western television in the world. Although Indonesia has a very important, active, and rapidly changing television broadcasting network, which is central to its role as a developing Pacific Asian country, the social and cultural implications of television on people's lives have remained largely unstudied. Among the problems is a relative lack of materials and of research on contemporary mass media in Indonesia. Television companies have virtually no archival facilities. So the project began as a pilot scheme in Bali to preserve broadcasts of particular cultural and religious value from destruction, by recording, transcribing, and establishing an archive for the use of both Indonesian and foreign scholars, teachers, and practitioners. The aim was that archive should also form a basis for more extensive research into Indonesian media.     

The 'greening' of global project financing: the case of the Sakhalin-II offshore oil and gas project

This article responds to a plea for economic geographers to play greater attention to the world's resource peripheries. The article presents a detailed case study of oil and gas development offshore of Sakhalin in the Russian Far East. The study serves to illustrate the complexity of resource peripheries and to demonstrate how a critical approach to resource geographies aids economic geographic theorization of globalization. The case study focuses on how the 'greening' of global project financing has created a means by which environmental non-governmental organizations hold the international oil companies to account. The article describes the transnational advocacy network that has developed to protest against the Sakhalin-II project. The key issues are identified and the response of the operator, Sakhalin Energy, is considered. Finally, the recent actions of the Russian Government in relation to the environmental impacts of the Sakhalin-II project are examined. The article concludes by assessing the ways in which the Sakhalin case demonstrates the complex processes that construct resource peripheries and how such analyses contribute to the development of a truly global economic geography. Le 'verdissement' du financement de projets à