挺进皖南:1949年干部南下与政权接管

1949年干部南下是中共中央为了接管和巩固长江以南新解放区政权而作出的一项重大战略决策。其中,挺进皖南是干部南下的重要目标之一。但是,相对于沪宁杭而言,学界对干部挺进皖南的研究几近空白。本文通过查阅、梳理相关档案材料,初步考察了挺进皖南的干部来源、规模、分配任用等情况,揭示了他们在解放初期皖南政权接管中的重要作用。     

中日对抗与公共卫生事业领导权的较量——对"南满洲"铁路、港口中心城市的观察(1901-1911)

1905年日俄战争之后,日本在南满控制区域内的铁路、港口中心城市大力推进公共卫生事业,与此同时,中国官府也积极创办当地公共卫生事业,双方就公共卫生事业领导权展开激烈的竞争和较量,并在一定程度上改善了某些特定区域的卫生环境。然而,由于这是一种扩张/反抗的展开模式,在疾病治疗和预防疾病之外被赋予了更多的政治考量,致使城市贫民区与乡村的医疗卫生条件并未得到重点关注和大量投入,很长一段时间内该地区仍然疾病丛生,恶性传染病蔓延。在这个意义上,日本推进的公共卫生事务自然有其殖民主义扩张、帝国主义统治处心积虑、老谋深算的一面,中国官府和社会的自强卫生、救国医学则或可被视为一种不得已的推进方式。     

The new South Africa's foreign policy: principles and practice

This article outlines principles which, shortly before taking office in 1994, the ANC said would be the foundation for its future foreign policy. The ANC stated that their core concern was the pursuit of 'human rights', which were directly related to the promotion of democracy. Other principles included respect for international law, support for peace and disarmament, and universality. These were to be pursued in four settings. First, the global division between the First and Third Worlds as the government was concerned about economic inequality and unjust global trading systems. Second, international organizations as these were seen as central to the search for human rights, peace and equality. Third, demilitarization resulting in South Africa's forces being used for self-defence and peacemaking and keeping only. The government believed that this would produce savings which could be redirected into social development. Finally, supporting the rest of Africa as the ANC believed South Africa could not flourish if surrounded by poverty. The article examines how far the ANC governments of Presidents Mandela and Mbeki have succeeded in implementing the principles, and how far they have fallen short. The article also includes a discussion of Mbeki's policy towards Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe.     

The adult North and the young South: Reflections on the civilizing mission of children's rights

The civilization of the children of the savages in the colonial world was seen as a crucial issue from early on was an inherent part of the colonization project in Africa, America and Oceania in the 19th century. The idea of civilizing the savages, today's South, through children has continued in the post-colonial era with the development of mass-schooling systems and various child-focused development projects. This has led to an export of internationally defined standards for a good childhood through various foreign funded development programs in South. While many NGOs, legitimizing their work on the basis of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), are genuinely working for an improvement of children's conditions, they have also taken on the role as a second guardian in order to cultivate proper children and parents who can live up to the supposedly universal ideals of a good childhood. The article adopts a critical view on the child rights movement by shedding light on the crucial role, which NGOs play as civilizing institutions in the South. The article specifically draws attention to the double-sided patronization of children and parents, and infantilization of nations in South, which implicitly lies beneath CRC and the child rights movement.     

The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and the South Sudan question: reconsidering moderation

This article examines the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) movement's stand on the South Sudan question. The aim here is to contribute to the ongoing debate over the MB's moderation. Throughout the civil war in Sudan, the MB consistently objected to South Sudanese secession. Yet, while it had traditionally framed its objection in religious terms, describing the South Sudanese struggle as a Christian conspiracy against Islam, in the decade preceding South Sudan's declaration of independence it moved to base its opposition on more practical grounds, revolving around issues such the absence of democracy, stability and infrastructure in South Sudan. This correlated with wider shifts in the MB. Since the 1990s, the movement has claimed to have undergone a transformation, adopting a moderate, pro‐democratic stance. These statements persuaded many scholars that the MB has come to represent political moderation in both its domestic and international agenda. More recent works on the movement, however, have come to question the MB's moderation hypothesis, suggesting that even though the movement has changed its discourse and some aspects of its activism, this could not be seen as a linear process of moderation. This article uses the South Sudan case to further support this critique from a foreign policy perspective. It demonstrates that even though the MB changed its tactics and discourse, its goals remained unchanged— even when the circumstances and the normative environment changed dramatically. Moreover, it shows that at times of crisis, the liberal discourse gave way to the old‐fashioned radical discourse of previous decades.