德国政界对第二次世界大战的历史反思

第二次世界大战结束后,德国,特别是联邦德国的政治家曾对希特勒和民族社会主义给德国和其他受害国人民带来的"灾难"进行过多种多样的反思和探讨。从总体上说,他们的认罪、道歉和赔偿的态度是比较真诚的,但不谐之音时时可闻,争论也非常激烈。政治家们对历史的认识,不仅与其个人修养、价值观和党派立场有密切联系,而且也与国内外的局势变化息息相关,并且往往表现出为现实政治服务的目的。历史反思与现实政治自始至终都是难分难解的。     

Professional Politicians as the Subjects of Moral Panic

The media, the public and politicians themselves often express a fear that Australian political life is increasingly dominated by ‘professional politicians’, who are seen as careerist, lacking in commitment and disconnected from the reality of ordinary lives. The article analyses the meanings given to the term ‘professional politicians’ and their relationship to other definitions and characteristics of professionalism. It also uses the concept of moral panic to analyse the concerns expressed about ‘professional politicians’. This concept, first formulated in 1972 in Cohen's study of alleged youth violence in a small town in the United Kingdom, is most often associated with studies of social deviance. This article demonstrates how, in a later period, it can be extended to apply to politicians, a group traditionally more often identified as a perpetrator of moral panics than the subject of them.     

伊拉克哈希姆王朝的民主实践

目前国外学术界流行着一种观点,即伊拉克存在着威权主义的政治文化,历史上没有民主实践.伊拉克历史被叙述为威权主义的延续,其政治动员依赖中央权威的巩固与加强,国家机构是鼓动民众支持政府的工具.实际上持此观点的学者只是关注了1958年以来的伊拉克历史,忽视了1921-1958年伊拉克哈希姆王朝的历史事实.本文[1]认为,伊拉克哈希姆王朝的民主实践表现为政党政治的发展与议会生活的变迁.民主实践虽然随着哈希姆王朝的终结而失败,但在伊拉克历史上占有重要的地位.     

Raman analysis of ninth-century Iraqi stuccoes from Samarra

Six ninth-century stucco fragments from Samarra, Iraq, and now part of the Victoria and Albert Museum collections, were analysed non-destructively and in situ in the Museum by Raman microscopy in order to determine the identities of the pigments thereon. Carbon black, haematite, gypsum, indigo, lazurite, lead white, orpiment, pararealgar, red lead, vermilion and the As₄S₄ χ-phase were detected. The detection of several arsenic-containing pigments (orpiment, pararealgar and the As₄S₄ χ-phase), known to be poisonous and carcinogenic, has prompted strict health and safety protocols to be used when the objects are handled by museum staff or displayed in the galleries. This scientific study is the first to be carried out on any of the Samarra finds.     

Gender Equality in National Politics: The Views of Australian Male Politicians

Studies of gender and politics have typically been studies of women and politics. In contrast, this paper places men at the centre of its inquiry by drawing on interviews with 15 current federal male politicians. Of concern is exploring the ways in which men conceptualise the question of gender equity in the Australian parliament. Three frameworks are identified in the men's narratives. These are that the parliament is a masculinised space but that this is unavoidable; that the parliament is now feminised and women are advantaged; and that the parliament is gender neutral and gender is irrelevant. It is argued that collectively these framing devices operate to mask the many constraints which exist to marginalise women from political participation and undermine attempts to address women's political disadvantage as political participants. The paper concludes by highlighting the significance of the paper beyond the Australian context and calling for further research which names and critiques political men and their discourses on gender and parliamentary practices and processes.     

Two Months under Iraqi Occupation: A Personal Account

The author and her family woke up to find their country occupied on August 2, 1990. For them, two months of radical changes in living followed. Finally, they fled, enduring a difficult journey via Baghdad to Amman and the United States. The author, of Palestinian origin, also discusses the different attitudes of Arabs in Jordan, particular of the Palestinians. She notes the strength and promise of the Kuwaitis, especially of the young, who proved more mature and purposeful than had been thought, and of Kuwaiti women.     

The Use of EMDR in Treatment of Traumatized Iraqi Children

The purpose of this article is to determine the prevalence of post‐traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among Iraqi children and the effectiveness of eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR) treatment in traumatized Iraqi children. The participants in the present study were Iraqi children, ages 7–12; mean age = 10.17 years. There were 29 boys and 31 girls who immigrated to Malaysia during the recent war in Iraq. Those children were assessed for PTSD. Following the assessment, 37 children were assigned to two groups: 12 to the experimental group and 25 to the control group. The 12 children in the experimental group were treated with EMDR and were compared with the 25 children in the control group. This was done in order to determine the effectiveness of EMDR in reducing PTSD symptoms among traumatized children. UCLA PTSD DSM‐IV (Revision 1) was used to determine the prevalence of PTSD among Iraqi children. The results suggested that EMDR was effective in reducing PTSD symptoms.     

The Kirkuk Problem and Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution

This article will discuss the issue of Kirkuk and its development, going back to its historical roots and development. The Kurdish and non‐Kurdish arguments will be presented. Also, the issue will be analyzed in the light of the current situation in Iraq. Some solutions to the problem will be proposed, to help keep Iraq intact as a federal state.     

Politicians versus Historians: Lord Avon's 'Appeasement Battle' against 'Lamentably, Appeasement-Minded' Historians

In retirement, Sir Anthony Eden, seeking to safeguard the anti-appeaserimage cultivated following his resignation as Neville Chamberlain'sForeign Secretary in 1938, proved extremely sensitive to theway in which his political career was presented in memoirs,biographies, and histories. Eden, who accepted the earldom ofAvon in 1961, saw himself as refighting old politcal battles,except that by the 1960s his attack was directed increasinglyagainst what he described as ‘lament-ably, appeasement-minded’history professors rather than former politicians. During 1966–7objections to Frederick Northedge's The Troubled Giant evenled him at one stage to consider legal action for defamationof character. The ensuing dispute, highlighting Lord Avon'spreoccupation with the verdict of history, illuminated alsothe varying, often conflicting, perspectives adopted towardsthe past by historians and politicians. ^*Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the BISA BritishInternational History Group Conference at the University ofExeter, September 1996, and the Millennium after 25 Years Conferenceat the LSE, October 1996. I am grateful to the Countess of Avon,the Marquess of Salisbury, the Borthwick Institute of HistoricalResearch at the University of York, the Master and Fellows ofChurchill College at Cambridge, and the Archivist of CarmarthenshireRecords Service at Carmarthen, for permission to quote fromthe papers of the first Earl of Avon, The Marquess of Salisbury,the Earls of Halifax, Lord Strang, and Viscount Cilcennin respectively.I am particularly indebted to Muriel Grieve, Professor Northedge'swidow, for assistance in my research and permission to quotefrom her husband's correspondence and publications, as wellas to Sir Bryan Cartledge, who helped Lord Avon with his memoirs.     

Politicians, Parishes and Police: The Failure of the 1812 Night Watch Bill

The public outcry heard in the wake of the Ratcliffe Highway murders of December 1811 was muted by May 1812 when the 1812 Night Watch Bill died in the house of commons. Responding to the moral panic following the murder of two East End families, the home office gathered considerable information and input from the professional police magistrates and local authorities before proposing the reform of parochial night watch in much of metropolitan London. Nevertheless the bill ran into concerted opposition on grounds of practicality as well as of ideology. A close study of its trajectory through parliament illuminates the role of parliament as a broker for conflicting demands emanating from differing concepts of the public good. The failure of the Night Watch Bill adds significantly to our understanding of the genesis of legislative initiatives, calling into question whether it is possible to distinguish accurately whether particular bills originated from back- or front-bench activity as well as to our knowledge of the relationship between parliamentary activity, ministerial objectives and public opinion.     

日德政要对侵略历史的不同态度及相关思考

战后,日德两国政要对侵略历史的不同态度,主要表现在对战争性质和侵略罪行的认识、历史教育、战后赔偿等问题上。如果包括部分政要在内的日本右翼势力为侵略战争翻案的行径得不到遏制,那么中日两国重新走向交恶亦绝非惊世之语。中日两国历史悲剧能否重演,将取决于三个关键因素：1、日本政要能否正视侵略历史,真正反省战争罪行;2、日本国民能否全部走向觉醒,不再盲从日益抬头的右翼势力;3、中国本身能否迅速走向崛起,并与日本右翼势力复活军国主义的行径进行毫不妥协的斗争。作者最后还就避免历史悲剧重演的若干问题,进行了具体思考。     

Politicians,Parties, and the Persistence of Weak States: Lessons from the Philippines

Under what conditions will politicians strengthen state capabilities through bureaucratic reform? This article presents a principal–agent model of state capacity that shows that unless competition to influence policy is largely confined to a single dimension, politicians have no incentive or ‘political will’ to adopt bureaucratic reform. The validity of this model is tested using the experience of the Philippines in the period 1946–72. It is found that politically relevant groups in the Philippines were competing to influence policy over issues of social welfare, economic nationalism and control over public spending, and that groups' demands over these issues failed to align along a single dominant dimension. Consistent with expectations derived from the principal–agent model, there were numerous calls for and attempts to improve bureaucratic performance, but the calls went unheeded and the attempts failed miserably. The study highlights a lesson of potential use to countries currently undergoing democratization. It argues that state capacity is not a function of insulating the state from societal forces, but rather of clarifying lines of authority and accountability in the hierarchy of principal–agent relationships between society, politicians and bureaucrats.     

Iraqi Kurdistan: challenges of autonomy in the wake of US withdrawal

In August 2010, the United States officially ended the combat mission of its military forces in Iraq and withdrew all but 50,000 of its troops from the country. Iraqi Kurds now contemplate the implications of the looming withdrawal of the remaining 50,000, scheduled for the end of 2011. While Arab–Kurdish relations in Iraq face the risk of serious deterioration, the US military withdrawal will probably not greatly affect the internal politics of Kurdistan. Given the de facto autonomy the region has enjoyed since 1991 and the Kurds’ resulting experience with self‐rule, Iraqi Kurdistan never suffered from the post‐2003 security and political vacuums plaguing the rest of the country. As a result, no more than a few hundred coalition troops were stationed in Iraqi Kurdistan (and no coalition casualties have occurred there since 2003), with governance and security remaining completely in the hands of the Kurdish authorities. While important centrifugal tendencies do exist in Iraqi Kurdistan and are discussed here, the region will most likely continue to deal with Baghdad and the rest of the outside world with the united voice it cultivated after 2003. US civilian personnel and advisers will also remain in Iraq after the military withdraws, which offers the possibility of assisting Iraqi Kurdistan to overcome obstacles in order to achieve better, more transparent governance. A continuing American diplomatic engagement in Iraq also offers the possibility of helping Kurdistan further institutionalize its autonomy vis‐à‐vis Baghdad and neighbouring states.