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Yaacov Yadgar 《Nations & Nationalism》2002,8(1):55-72
The aim of this article is to study the development of the Jewish‐Zionist national idea as expressed in the national narrative as it appeared in Israel’s mainstream press during the years 1967–97, against the background of five critical events in the Israeli collective experience as well as in the wake of the Holocaust Memorial Days. This development is studied as a case of the immanent tension between nationalism’s universalistic message and its particularistic application. The Jewish‐Zionist narrative in Israel is found to be ‘shifting’ from its particularistic towards its more universalistic pole. This development is discussed as a transition from a ‘purely national’ to a ‘post‐national’ narrative, and is positioned in its local and global contexts. 相似文献
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Dan Naor 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2019,28(1):124-143
The Maronite–Syria relationship is troublesome, and one can say that the two sides are diametrical opposites. The Maronites, in general, represent the aspiration for an independent Lebanon, while Syria considers Lebanon a part of “Greater Syria” and aspires to annex the Lebanese territories. The Maronite community has consistently resisted these aspirations. However, the Maronite community is not a coherent one, which is reflected in its approach toward Syria. In fact, the Maronite leadership has adopted three different approaches toward Syria: an integrative one that aspires to full cooperation with Syria; a separatist one that strongly considers Lebanon and Syria to be separate states; and a pragmatist one that adheres to intimate or unfriendly ties according to local Lebanese interests. This article introduces the three Maronite approaches and claims that one cannot disassociate these approaches, especially the pragmatist one, from the Syrian policy toward Lebanon, which includes changing alliances according to Syria’s political interests. Moreover, the article suggests that these approaches will remain in place regardless of which Maronite leader supports each one and regardless of who will rule in Syria. 相似文献
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Christopher J. Ferrero PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2014,23(1):128-155
This article presents a modified two‐state solution to the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict. A “2 + 1 solution” would see the establishment of a State of Palestine in the West Bank whose constitution proscribes the participation in government of any party whose platform calls for the elimination of Israel; Gaza would accede upon the reform or demise of Hamas. Achieving a state in the West Bank should be the proximate, urgent goal of the Palestinian people. Ideologically motivated Israeli settlement of the West Bank continues apace and threatens the viability of a two‐state solution. Meanwhile, religiously motivated policies of colonization hide behind a security narrative conflating Hamas with Fatah and suggesting that the Palestinians pose an existential threat. The 2 + 1 solution, by excluding Hamas from a State of Palestine, directly addresses Israel's legitimate security concerns and thus carries the potential to lay bare the extent to which ideology informs Israeli policy. The approach also gives moderate Palestinians the opportunity to define the civic values and attributes of Palestinian national identity in a way that supports a lasting two‐state peace. 相似文献
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The chemical composition of potassium–calcium ‘wood‐ash’ glass reflects the elemental pattern of the involved non‐volatile base materials in quartz sand, wood ash and possibly potash. The essential elemental ratio K2O/CaO of wood ash varies between 0.2 and 0.8, and depends on the habitat and geological substratum of the wood rather than on the tree species; ratios between 1.0 and 3.0 in wood‐ash glass are only possible when potash is added as a third base material. Melting temperatures of wood‐ash glass sensu stricto, termed K–Ca‐2, produced with the two raw materials quartz sand and wood ash, are between 1250°C and 1400°C, while those of three‐component‐glasses, termed K–Ca‐3, are between 900°C and 1250°C, according to the amount of added potash. Experimentally produced glass displays different hues, from colourless to brown, olive‐green and pink, according to the chemical composition of the wood ash. Elevated MnO concentrations between 0.5 and 3 wt% may originate from wood ash and are hence not necessarily an indicator of colour‐inhibiting additives. Phosphate stemming from wood ash is an essential discriminator between wood‐ash glass and potash–lime glass. Because wood ash contains only minor amounts of sodium, wood‐ash glass with equal concentrations of potassium and sodium is a hybrid glass type, where besides quartz sand, wood ash, possibly potash and also soda‐rich cullet have been applied for glass production. 相似文献
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Philippe Le Billon 《Development and change》2000,31(4):785-805
Over the last decade, forests have played an important role in the transition from war to peace in Cambodia. Forest exploitation financed the continuation of war beyond the Cold War and regional dynamics, yet it also stimulated co‐operation between conflicting parties. Timber represented a key stake in the rapacious transition from the (benign) socialism of the post‐Khmer Rouge period to (exclusionary) capitalism, thereby becoming the most politicized resource of a reconstruction process that has failed to be either as green or as democratic as the international community had hoped. This article explores the social networks and power politics shaping forest exploitation, with the aim of casting light on the politics of transition. It also scrutinizes the unintended consequences of the international community’s discourse of democracy, good governance, and sustainable development on forest access rights. The commodification of Cambodian forests is interpreted as a process of transforming nature into money through a political ecology of transition that legitimates an exclusionary form of capitalism. 相似文献
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