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《民俗研究》2021,(5):95-108
作为一种政治文化传统的"礼俗互动"话语及其实践,建构了传统社会的统一性。顾炎武的风俗教化观是传统"礼俗互动"的缩影,他认为作为一种政治文化的风俗是全民性的,论世必考其风俗,历史兴衰与风俗美恶联系紧密。整顿风俗必然要以礼乐教化为纪纲,"民德厚而礼俗成"是其风俗教化观的主要宗旨,其风俗教化观对当下的礼俗互动话语具有一定的现代启示意义。新格局下的"礼俗互动"话语及其实践方兴未艾,传统礼俗的现代性转化及其互动为我们理解当下中国社会提供了新的视角,发挥这种本土思想资源在国家治理与民间自治上的社会整合功能,有助于推进国家治理体系和社会治理能力的现代化。 相似文献
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论文从中国源远流长的礼乐教化传统出发,探讨了中国乡土社会的管理自治模式.并由此提出了“书香农居”的现代社会管理理念,思考了其内容实质,分析了其作用并进行了一些建设思路。 相似文献
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本文列举的域外乡村治理典型模式,或是国家自上而下地治理,抑或是乡村自下而上的自我改造;或是内生自发驱动,抑或是外生助力推动。无论哪种模式,其共同之处是多中心治理,多方主体协同共治。政府引导、农村自治主导、社会第三方主体参与,协调共同治理。域外乡村治理模式是在本国实践基础上不断与时俱进,积淀了具有参考价值的治理理念。通过借鉴域外乡村治理的成功经验,构建我国乡村治理模式。 相似文献
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引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应,不仅是宗教发展的内在要求,而且是当前我国落实宗教政策,维护团结稳定的社会政治局面,促进社会主义现代化建设事业不断发展的客观需要。当前,要引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应,就必须在准确把握宗教与社会主义社会相适应内涵的基础上,加强宗教工作队伍建设,提高管理水平;加强宗教自身的组织和制度建设,调整与社会主义社会不相应的宗教制度和教条,弘扬积极的宗教教叉、教规,为社会主叉服务。 相似文献
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民俗宗教与村庄政治是传统乡村治理中的两股重要力量,二者相互交融、密不可分。新中国成立后,二者却一度呈现出张力、冲突乃至断裂的迹象;近年来,随着村民自治制度的完善及其民俗宗教在乡村社会中的复苏与兴盛,民俗宗教又开始与乡村政治形成一种交叉重叠的互构力量。藉此,通过山西义村的"三官大帝"供奉之考察,揭示出当前民俗宗教与村庄政治呈现的逻辑关系:民俗宗教政治化、村庄政治民俗化、村庄政治与民俗宗教混合化等。 相似文献
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少数民族传统宗教与族群历史、文化认同一脉相通,其仪式的强化实践素来为众人认可,透过仪式表象触及深层次的意识结构已成学界共识。研究传统宗教仪式的空间生产不仅对解析其背后的意识形态运动具有指导价值,也能为有关宗教、文化部门提供管控参考。文章从列斐伏尔的空间生产理论入手,探究地处边疆山区的景颇族传统宗教仪式在面对外来宗教的空间解构、现代性引发的空间变迁、族群内部的话语争夺及旅游空间介入调控等背景下,其相应的主体实践及力量博弈,厘清空间生产的主次困境和作用机理,以传统宗教有益价值为导向,引导仪式空间生产朝凝聚族群、强化团结的目标靠拢。 相似文献
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Robert Hogg 《The Journal of religious history》2016,40(2):185-203
Benjamin Glennie was an Anglican clergyman on Queensland's Darling Downs from 1851 to 1876. From 1848 until 1860 he kept a diary of his ministry. Using this diary as its primary source, this article considers how Anglicanism was fostered in a frontier society. It argues that being a clergyman in a frontier society was arduous work. Environmental and social conditions made clerical work considerably more challenging than in places were the Church of England enjoyed the privileges of Establishment. Furthermore, the attitude towards religion on the part of frontier settlers is examined. Religious practice was compromised by the exigencies of frontier life, and adherence to religious forms and rituals did not always conform to clerical expectations. 相似文献
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Jiang Sun 《Frontiers of History in China》2011,6(1):53-73
This article explores the relationship between Christianity and Chinese society in the second half of the nineteenth century
by re-examining the primary sources of anti-Christian movements. The first part shows how Christian churches broke the dominance
of the Qing government over local society. Conflicts between Christianity and Chinese religion were often transformed into
political confrontations between churches and the Qing bureaucracy. The second part analyzes how Confucianism, Buddhism, and
Daoism interpreted Christianity, with an emphasis on how to understand the perception of Christianity in Chinese society.
Exploring broader societal perceptions of Christianity—and not just those expressed in the writings of the Confucian literati—allows
for a more nuanced understanding of Chinese interpretations of Christianity. The third part studies the relationship between
churches and Chinese religious sects. On the one hand, in the language of anti-Christian movements such as those of the Zaili
and Cai sects, Christianity was the hateful “Other.” On the other hand, in the process of preaching Christianity, churches
themselves experienced a period of transmutation: they recruited into the church not only non-religious civilians but also
the followers of popular religions. For a long period, Christianity was called yangjiao, the “foreign religion,” making it the “Other.” Missionaries started to feel an urgency to reject their identity as the “Other”
after the harrowing experience of the Boxer Movement. 相似文献
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Barbara Diefendorf 《Political Theology》2014,15(6):552-563
AbstractWilliam Cavanaugh's The Myth of Religious Violence raises important questions about the role of religion in society. It challenges all-too-common misunderstandings about the relationship between religion and politics and, most valuably, warns against any assumption that religion is peculiarly prone to violence. This essay nevertheless takes issue with his attempt to disprove what he calls “the myth of religious violence” with evidence from the Wars of Religion in sixteenth-and seventeenth-century Europe and his claim that “the story of these wars serves as a kind of creation myth for the modern state” (10). The essay emphasizes the importance of understanding the religious dimensions of early modern Europe's wars but also of recognizing that, in both historical and contemporary situations, religious motivations are best understood not as independent variables but rather as catalysts that could exacerbate-or relieve-tensions rooted in other sorts of divisions or quarrels. 相似文献
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SHUK‐WAH POON 《The Journal of religious history》2009,33(4):452-471
This paper illustrates how Buddhist and Daoist monasteries in Guangzhou, with their legal religious status, situated themselves within the new concept of the modern nation‐state, and how the distinction between religion and superstition affected ordinary people's religious lives. There were inherent tensions between religion and the modern nation‐state, and the survival of Buddhism and Daoism was determined by their subordination to the state ideology and to political authorities’ regulation. However, the government did not regulate the form of worship in government‐approved religious sites. Due to the syncretic nature of Chinese religion, the select few of the Buddhist and Daoist monasteries in Guangzhou, with government recognition as symbols of “true religions,” paradoxically served as a protective umbrella for the people to carry on with their “superstitious” practices. At the level of praxis, the line between religion and superstition was not as distinguishable as the government had envisioned. 相似文献
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Robbie B. H. Goh 《亚洲研究评论》2016,40(2):250-267
Recent scholarship has pointed out the ways in which religions are increasingly commodified, primarily through two mechanisms: the monetisation of religious objects and practices, and the materialisation and extension of religious-symbolic power through new technologies and practices. These two mechanisms of monetisation and materialisation provide very concrete ways of understanding religious commodification, but they do not provide a complete picture of how religious capital is created and sustained in the holistic context of society, city and nation considered in relation to international capital flows. “Christian Capital” includes not only the commodity, consumerist and media empires particularly associated with global-reach “megachurches”, but also the less-tangible situational, relational, human-social and influential wealth created between religious agencies and their urban-national contexts. Using the case of Christian agencies in Singapore and their strategic creation of transnational influences, this paper offers a conception of Christian capital that incorporates not only the materialisation of religious influence in terms of finances and commodities, but also its expression in less tangible but significant ways in terms of the creation of an international “brand” of Singapore Christianity. 相似文献
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Roschanack Shaery-Eisenlohr 《Iranian studies》2007,40(1):17-35
Religious authority in the Shi‘ite world is often claimed and justified by drawing on national ideologies. Examining the relations between the ruling religious elite in Iran and Lebanese Shi‘ite party of Amal and followers of the Lebanese Shi‘ite scholar Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah, this article shows how the latter two actors seek to break official Iran's hegemonic claim to lead the Shi‘ite world through parody and critical narratives about the history and society of Iran. This politics of religious authenticity is not limited to debates among Shi‘ite scholars but also involves other actors such as political party members, students of religion, and pilgrims as they take part in shaping claims to seniority and authenticity in Shi‘ite tradition. 相似文献
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Elizabeth Shakman Hurd 《Intellectual History Review》2017,27(1):97-113
ABSTRACTThis article explores how a particular narrative of de-secularisation, the ‘restorative narrative,’ is shaping US foreign religious policy and practice. It develops two arguments about efforts to stabilize religion as an object of governance and restore it to international politics and public life. First, this narrative re-instantiates and energizes particular secular-religious and religious-religious divides in ways that echo the narratives of secularisation that it claims to challenge and transcend. Second, it contributes to the emergence of new forms of both politics and religion that are not only subservient to the interests of those in power but marginalize a range of dissenting and nonconforming ways of life. This has far-ranging implications for the politics of social difference and efforts to realize deep and multidimensional forms of democratization and pluralization. The argument is illustrated through discussions of recent developments at the US State Department, the evolving practices of US military chaplains, and the politics of foreign religious engagement in the context of the rise of Turkish Islamist conscientious objectors. 相似文献