清代江南疫病救疗事业探析——论清代国家与社会对瘟疫的反应

清代江南的疫病救疗 ,国家虽然缺乏制度性建设 ,但因江南社会力量和医疗资源的活跃和充裕反使其内容更见丰富。嘉道以降 ,江南日常救疗设施数量激增 ,并由纯粹的慈善机构逐步向经常、普遍地以诊治疫病为主要目的的设施演进。在此过程中 ,国家和官府同社会力量非但未见日趋严重的对立 ,相反出现了更广泛的合作 ,国家和官府具体职权亦未见退缩反而有所扩展。社会力量活跃的意义 ,主要是弥补了官府实际行政能力的不足和国家在民生政策方面缺乏制度性规定的缺陷     

全民动员:南京市解放初期的卫生防疫

南京市解放初期,全面贯彻中央制定的"面向工农兵""预防为主""团结中西医"三大卫生工作方针,并根据中央卫生部及华东军政委员会卫生部的指示,稳步推进城市卫生防疫体制机制建设,增强了南京市的卫生防疫力量.在卫生防疫机制运行中,南京市全面贯彻全民动员、全民防疫的理念,广泛发动群众、依靠群众,充分调动社会资源,切实提高城市的卫生防疫能力,在疫病防控方面取得了突出成就,卫生环境与城市面貌也发生了翻天覆地的变化.南京市解放初期的卫生防疫实践充分证明,全民动员是人类战胜疫病的重要武器,也是疫情防控的有效路径.     

辛亥革命时期的民团与社会权势转移--以《江西民报》为中心的研究

地方军事化是我们探讨中国传统社会结构与政治体制转型的重要视角,它集中体现了国家对地方社会控制权的下移和基层社会的“自治化”进程。辛亥革命时期民团的大量出现,标志着地方社会军事化的形成。民团在由“民间自办”到“官督民办”过程中,逐渐成为基层社会新的权力中心和新、旧社会力量重组的舞台。民团的兴起与发展,集中地反映了晚清以来的地方自治进程与新政时期的地方政治格局,揭示了中国近代社会变迁的内在机制。     

中国中古时期社会力量替嬗与国家应对

中国中古时期经历了工商业为代表的财富力量兴起、式微和再兴,以及士族势力的起落。社会力量这一替嬗是社会经济的自然力量和国家的制度设计交互影响的结果。汉武帝新政通过打击和疏导双管齐下,消除了春秋战国以来日益膨胀的工商业力量,但其作为疏导财富力量的不限民名田政策成为士族阶层兴起的滥觞。唐朝在此前历代消解士族努力的基础上,通过科举制等制度将士族吸纳到统治秩序之中,转化为国家统治力量,完成了消解士族的过程。宋代建立了与财富力量共利分利的机制,与财富力量确立了相互依存而非对立争利的关系。历史经验表明国家处理与社会力量关系的良策就是因势利导。     

从庙堂到民间：明清时期泰山文化之转变

泰山文化发展至明清时期,出现了一次巨大转变。由于泰山国家祀典衰替,民间碧霞元君信仰兴起,促使泰山之上的活动主体由庙堂转向民间,由精英转向草根,民间力量实际主导了泰山文化的走向。故这一时期,堪称泰山“民俗山”的形成期。     

五四时期个人观念的历史内涵

五四时期,个人观念的提出构成了反传统道德的历史性力量,个体的独立和觉醒作为现代的原则被确立下来,这标志着对传统的批评和国民性改造所能达到的历史与人性深度。当然,批判传统文化,提倡个人独立的文化运动也不能完全被个人主义话语所涵盖。五四时期的个人观念也必须被置于与民族、社会、国家的关系中加以理解,个人观念的张力性结构在五四的思想表述中是一个普遍存在的事实。     

复制还是隐喻?——对“打猖”民间宗教活动的研究

以民间宗教活动中的"打猖"为例,基于治理的视角,论证了民间宗教"隐喻的隐喻"背后,其实是对"国家"和"社会"的"复制"。这种"复制"具体表现为:在治理背景上,民间宗教"复制"了"社会"的治乱兴衰和由乱至治;在治理空间上,民间宗教"复制"了"国家"的行政区划与权力空间设置;在治理目的上,民间宗教"复制"了国家的民本思想;在治理手段上,民间宗教"复制"了"社会"的流动机制和"国家"的惩戒机制;在治理合法性上,民间宗教"复制"了"国家"与"社会"的双重授权模式。中国的民间宗教并不等同于"社会",也不等同于"国家",而是由"国家"与"社会"共同"合谋"而"互构"出来的"第三域",是"国家"和"社会"之间的缓冲地带。     

近代日本的疫病与防治管理制度探析

日本自古便时有疫病流行,19世纪后,霍乱、鼠疫等输入型疫病进入日本,造成了重大人员和财产损失,阻碍了近代日本社会经济的发展。为预防疫病发生、降低损失,控制疫情蔓延,日本政府在积极引进西方现代医疗技术手段的同时,从法制化、程序化等管理体制层面入手,进行了一系列改革。与此同时,日本在民众中进行破除迷信的宣传,普及卫生防疫科学知识,培养良好的个人卫生习惯,建立公共卫生体系。当今社会,疫病种类和特征发生了巨大变化,近代以来形成的卫生防疫措施在诸多方面已经不能应对新的疫病危机,但是近代日本在较短时间内完成从传统向现代医疗卫生体系过渡的做法,依然值得当代社会借鉴。     

从居住角度看英国社会转型时期私人生活的变迁

中世纪晚期以来,英国社会私人居住状况发生了一系列的变化。首先,是居住空间的规模与布局安排等方面的变化,体现出私人空间的扩大和家庭内隐私意识的增强,在一定程度上反映出人们对这个私人领域的重视;其次,居住群体本身越来越孤立和排外,表现出私人空间的日渐独立和私人化;再次,人们的居住习惯也发生了明显变化,表明隐私观念日渐增强和普及。总之,在英国社会的转型时期,私人生活发生了很多显著的变化,日渐朝着愈来愈私人化、个人化和人性化的方向发展。在此时段,现代意义上的私人生活的基本特征逐步在社会生活和人们的观念意识中得以确立。     

五四的社会后果:妇女财产权的确立

五四时期形成了高涨的妇女解放思潮,但"男女平等"成为社会主导观念,最后在标举男女平权宗旨的国民党执政后,才最终修订颁行了真正实现男女平等财产权的法律。这一法律条文比民间实际情况有所"超前",因而效用性受到限制,但对社会观念及民间习俗变革起到了主导和引领作用。反映了观念、制度和习俗变革之间有一定的"超前"梯度,这是中国社会现代化变革的一个特点。     

A synopsis of the symposium on “civil organizations and the state in modern China”

The other side of the formation of the modern state is the thorough transformation of social structure, the way people are organized, and the mechanisms of social mobilization and participation. One distinctive feature of these changes is the growth and expansion of civil organizations (minjian zuzhi). As a linkage point between the state and the individual, civil organizations have exerted an important and unique influence on the orientation as well as the nature of society. The history of the separation and reorientation of state and society in China was both specific to China as well as relevant to global experience. In recent years, research on modern Chinese civil organizations has become rigorous and fruitful, covering a wide range of topics from the history of chambers of commerce to guilds, peasant associations, freelancer groups, charity groups, cultural and educational clubs, and religious organizations. Thanks to a relatively large pool of participating scholars, the discussions have also multiplied and deepened, contributing to the study of modern Chinese history a new yet indispensable subfield. All of these studies not only delineate the organizations’ background, development, structure, and function, but also pay attention to their relations with the state. Indeed, state–society relations constitute the most widely applied analytical framework. This is related to the middleman position of civil organizations, as well as to the state’s ability to dominate them under the Chinese social tradition of strong state and weak society.     

Beyond restoration: problems of imperial power in the 1870 famine relief efforts in Zhili

Based on a close examination of the 1870 government famine relief efforts in Zhili, this study reassesses some significant changes in Qing state power in the nineteenth century. Most previous research has sought to explain receding state power as a response to mounting pressures from an activist society. The famine relief efforts of 1870 demonstrate a less well‐known but equally important aspect of the problem. While social pressures had undoubtedly worn away at the 200‐year‐old state machine, they also stimulated responses from it. While local activism had indeed taken over the levers that had slipped from the imperial government's hands, the challenges it presented jump‐started the state machine, tightened its screws and set it on the path to restoration. In 1870, Imperial Commissioner Li Xingrui, under orders from his superior, Governor‐General Zeng Guofan, executed a textbook operation of famine relief in Zhili. Challenges arose as wealthy locals wrestled with Li for control of the relief operation; government officials, too, sought private gain. Nevertheless, the commissioner and his superior conscientiously followed the Qing statutes, warded off these various challenges and completed the relief work. The display of state power during the operation was impressive, and was sweetened by a bureaucratic culture that condoned semi‐legitimate personal gain in public affairs. The pairing of “stick and carrot” redirected the challenges to the operation from wealthy locals into a channel unique to China: an activist elite who sought to fulfill their ambitions by working within the existing system rather than by breaking away from it. Thus, Qing state power not only proved reasonably resilient in times of crisis, but also offered some hope for the successful building of a modern state.     

A summary of the past two decades' research on non-governmental forces in modern China

Recent research on non-governmental forces in modern China, during its inception in the early 1990s, bore obvious influences from Western theories of civil society and the public sphere. By the late 1990s, this research began to pick up new momentum: the scope was expanded, findings were increased, essays and empirical studies came forth incessantly. During the first decade of the twenty-first century, research by Chinese scholars on the topic grew at an even greater rate. Aside from those academics who continued to borrow theories of civil society and public sphere, more scholars began employing the analytical framework of “society and state” to tackle the many issues within the non-governmental sectors of modern China.     

Public Production of Anti‐Retroviral Medicines in Brazil, 1990–2007

This article examines Brazil's experience with the public production of anti‐retroviral drugs (ARVs) and highlights the important role of the state in guaranteeing access to life‐saving medicines and fulfilling human rights commitments. The key to understanding the government's successful intervention in the pharmaceutical market and provision of treatment rests on the synergistic, albeit political, relationship between reform‐minded public servants and civil society activists. This article argues that three key factors led to the government becoming a direct producer of ARVs: 1) a pre‐existing infrastructure of public laboratories that have served the public health system to a greater or lesser degree since the 1960s; 2) strong civil society pressures, including public health activists both inside and outside the government; and 3) a pharmaceutical sector characterized by high prices and controlled by transnational drug companies.     

Shifting Environmental Governance in a Neoliberal World: US AID for Conservation

Abstract: By exploring the shifting and uneven power relations among state, market and civil society organizations in US environmental foreign aid policy‐making, this article forges new ground in conversations about conservation and neoliberalism. Since the 1970s, an evolving group of non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) has lobbied the US Congress to support environmental foreign assistance. However, the 1980s and 1990s rise of neoliberalism laid the conditions for the formation of a dynamic alliance among representatives of the US Congress, the US Agency for International Development, environmental NGOs and the private sector around biodiversity conservation. In this alliance, idealized visions of NGOs as civil society and a countering force to corporations have underpinned their influence, despite their contemporary corporate partnerships. Furthermore, by focusing on international biodiversity conservation, the group has attracted a broad spectrum of political and corporate support to shape public policy and in the process create new spaces for capital expansion.     

Challenges in ‘Translating’ Human Rights: Perceptions and Practices of Civil Society Actors in Western India

Rights‐based approaches have become prevalent in development rhetoric and programmes in countries such as India, yet little is known about their impact on development practice on the ground. There is limited understanding of how rights work is carried out in India, a country that has a long history of indigenous rights discourse and a strong tradition of civil society activism on rights issues. In this article, we examine the multiple ways in which members of civil society organizations (CSOs) working on rights issues in the state of Rajasthan understand and operationalize rights in their development programmes. As a result of diverse ‘translations’ of rights, local development actors are required to bridge the gaps between the rhetoric of policy and the reality of access to healthcare on the ground. This article illustrates that drawing on community‐near traditions of activism and mobilization, such ‘translation work’ is most effective when it responds to local exigencies and needs in ways that the universal language of human rights and state development discourse leave unmet and unacknowledged. In the process, civil society actors use rights‐based development frameworks instrumentally as well as normatively to deepen community awareness and participation on the one hand, and to fix the state in its role as duty bearer of health rights, on the other hand. In their engagement with rights, CSO members work to reinforce but also challenge neoliberal modes of health governance.     

Predicament and responses: Discussions of history education in early modern China

ABSTRACT

Since the early modern era, following the abolishment of the imperial civil service exam and the rise of modern schools, the subject of history was included in education at all levels, from primary to tertiary. However, in comparison with traditional society, the degree of attention devoted to historical knowledge has in fact declined rather than improved. In the 1920s, many contemporaries vocally criticized and pondered the low level of historical knowledge among primary and secondary school students, and occasionally voiced dissatisfaction with history education at the university level as well. Critics primarily focused their discussions on the insufficient attention for history classes, imperfect standards formulated for history classes, poor history teaching materials, and lack of qualified, specialized teachers, forming a universal consensus among contemporaries on the failure of history education. However, the widespread opprobrium attached to history education was closely tied to two facts: first, the historians of early modern China had as yet failed to compile a general history of China acceptable to the majority, greatly disappointing many educators; second, historical resources failed to exercise the mobilizing effect on early modern Chinese society that contemporaries had hoped for, and history thus often became the scapegoat paying the price for practical setbacks and failures in the political arena.     

晚清的卫生行政与近代身体的形成——以卫生防疫为中心

近代以来,民众身体在摆脱人身依附关系的同时,又遭遇身体的国家化和被现代权力日益广泛而细密的监控。对于中国社会这一过程,虽已有一些探讨,但尚未有从卫生行政的角度对身体的近代化的专门探究。本文从卫生防疫一隅,考察了从传统到近代,卫生防疫与身体之间关系的变化,以及卫生行政这一现代权力实现对国民监控的过程与特色,以及这样的身体规训又是如何被接受的。本文认为,这一进程的实现,既有西方科学、卫生和文明等话语霸权的威力,更离不开国家的相关立法和相关职能机构逐渐增设。在接纳的过程中,尽管不无外在的压力,但总体上无疑是中国一百多年来那些士绅精英为追求国家和国民现代化而做出的主动而自觉的选择。是在当时内外交困的危局中,为了强国保种而不得不作出的一种缺乏深思熟虑、简单便捷化的选择。     

1952～1954年湖北省农村私人借贷的历史考察

私人借贷在全国解放前一直是农村金融体系的重要组成部分.解放以后,从1952～1954年湖北省的调查材料来看,由于经济落后、家庭经济弱小、缺乏完善的社会保障和现代金融体系等原因,农村的私人借贷虽受到抑制但仍有一定的发展,与解放以前相比,这一时期的私人借贷形式较为简化,利率较低,功能上也以互助互济为主.国家银行业务在农村的延伸和农村信用社等现代金融组织的发展在一定程度上压缩了私人借贷的空间,但并不能完全替代私人借贷.     

论杜维明对“文化中国”的思考

美籍华裔学者杜维明自20世纪90年代以来对"文化中国"的命题进行了思考,提出了诸如"三个意义世界"、"公众知识分子与公民社会"以及"文化中国与儒家传统"等命题.杜维明对"文化中国"的思考有着深厚的历史感和文化蕴涵,不仅显现了当代新儒家"返本开新"的理念,而且也为21世纪中国社会的发展和中国文化的走向从新儒家角度提供了一家之言.尽管杜维明对"文化中国"的论证富有创意,但对这一问题的阐述仍留有广阔的思考空间,它为我们进一步研究当代新儒家在新世纪的文化诉求提供了样本.