热面孔

美国希望4月前与古巴恢复外交关系近日,美国知情官员称,美国政府正在向古巴当局施压,希望美古两国能在今年4月美洲峰会举行前恢复外交关系,但古巴坚持美国应首先将古巴从“支持恐怖主义国家名单”中移出。对此,美国方面表示,将古巴从“支持恐怖主义国家名单”中移出可能要等到今年6月或者6月以后。去年12月17日,美古两国宣布将恢复双边关系正常化谈判。今年1月21日至22日,美古首轮高级别对话在古巴首都哈瓦那举行,双方官员会后表示,对话富有成果且真诚友好,     

美古和解的玄机

美古和解的开始,是双方相互需要的机缘巧合。古巴对美国的需要,显然大于美国对古巴的需要近日,美国和古巴持续了半个世纪的紧张关系出现了缓解的迹象。4月13日,美国政府宣布解除古巴裔美国人前往古巴探亲及向古巴亲属汇款的限制,允许他们返回古巴时携带最多3000美元现金等。同时,美方允许电信公司与古巴签署合同,内容涉及铺设电缆、修建卫星通信设施、和古巴电信公司协商提供两国     

古巴宗教政策的变迁

2014年12月17日,一条消息轰动了全球:美国总统奥巴马和古巴国务委员会主席兼部长会议主席劳尔·卡斯特罗同时分别在华盛顿和哈瓦那发表讲话,宣布将全面恢复两国外交关系。这是1959年古巴革命胜利以来,美古双方"最为重大的"外交政策变化,美国对古巴实行了半个多世纪的封锁与禁运政策到此彻底终结。人们也许对古巴与美国关系走向正常化的"突然性"感到惊讶,但两国关系的改变并非突     

古巴华工与中古建交始末

中国与古巴外交关系的确立有两个突出的特点:一是中国与古巴的外交接触发生在”苦力贸易”时代,是围绕着华工问题展开的;二是直至1898年以前,古巴曾沦为西班牙的殖民地。因而中国与古巴的外交关系实际上表现为中国与西班牙两国之间的外交交涉。     

古巴，有雪茄蔗糖，还有切格瓦拉

古巴的建筑 提到古巴,除了想起雪茄和蔗糖．在城市风貌上古巴更像是一个欧洲国家,特别是它的建筑。西班牙殖民者在古巴留下了一大批的欧式建筑．此前我曾在西班牙旅行过两个星期,可以负责地说．古巴的欧式建筑群不仅仅是加勒比海地区最庞大的保存最完整的殖民地时代建筑,其中哈瓦那老城区的建筑群被联合国教科文组织评为世界文化遗产,是古巴最值得游览的地方。     

卡斯特罗之前的古巴

哥伦布的发现和西班牙的征服 哥伦布在1492年10月27日到达古巴,他称这是"人类眼睛所能看到的最美丽的地方".当时岛上居住着约10万印第安人,还处于原始社会.1508年,奥坎波考察古巴,描述了古巴岛的肥沃与美丽,激起西班牙王室的征服欲望.1510年,殖民者开始了征服.据随同的西班牙传教士说:"印第安人带着食品和礼物迎接我们,不料基督徒凶相毕露,杀死了我面前的3000多名男女老少."1513年,征服者建立第一个城镇:圣母亚松森·德巴拉科阿--古巴的第一个首都,随着对古巴大部分地区的占领,西班牙开始了对古巴的殖民统治.     

古巴钱币筒介

古巴钱币筒介陈乃柱古巴共和国是北美洲加勒比海中最大的岛国。由古巴岛、青年岛及１６００多个岛礁组成。面积１１０００多平方公里,人口１１００多万。首都哈瓦那,人口２００多万。古巴共和国建立于１９０２年。独立前经历了近４００年的西班牙殖民统治。古巴自１５２...     

卡斯特罗之前的古巴

哥伦布的发现和西班牙的征服哥伦布在1492年10月27日到达古巴,他称这是“人类眼睛所能看到的最美丽的地方”。当时岛上居住着约10万印第安人,还处于原始社会。1508年,奥坎波考察古巴,描述了古巴岛的肥沃与美丽,激起西班牙王室的征服欲望。1510年,殖民者开始了征服。据随同的西班牙传教士说:“印第安人带着食品和礼物迎接我们,不     

邵黄:在卡斯特罗身边成长的华裔将军

在1868年的古巴独立战争中,旅古华侨做出了重要贡献。古巴人民的评价是:"在古巴的中国人没有一个是逃兵,在古巴的中国人没有一个是叛徒。"在当代,旅古华侨为古巴社会的进步发展同样做出了应有的贡献,并且涌现出一批像莫伊塞斯·邵黄这样的代表     

邵黄：在卡斯特罗身边成长的华裔将军

在1868年的古巴独立战争中，旅古华侨做出了重要贡献。古巴人民的评价是：“在古巴的中国人没有一个是逃兵，在古巴的中国人没有一个是叛徒。”在当代，旅古华侨为古巴社会的进步发展同样做出了应有的贡献，并且涌现出一批像莫伊塞斯·邵黄这样的代表人物。     

Normalizing US–Cuba relations: escaping the shackles of the past

President Barack Obama explained his historic reversal of half a century of US antagonism towards Cuba as necessary because of the failure of the policy of hostility pursued by his ten predecessors. But the old policy's failure was not new, and thus was not, in itself, an adequate explanation for the dramatic shift. This article uses theories of agenda‐setting, policy failure and policy change to explain the persistence of the US policy of hostility from 1959 to 2014 and the policy change announced by President Barack Obama in December 2014. Four structural factors account for the continuity in policy and, as a result of gradual changes in those factors, the eventual policy shift. They are: the security threat Cuba posed to the United States during the Cold War; the political influence of the Cuban American community; the diplomatic cost to Washington, especially in Latin America, of maintaining the status quo; and domestic changes under way in Cuba.     

后冷战时期马来西亚对美政策评析

后冷战时期,马来西亚与美国展开一连串激烈交锋,两国关系一度非常紧张。马来西亚对美采取强硬政策的原因,包括冷战后国际政治格局变化,美国东南亚政策的改变,以及金融危机后马来西亚的政治和经济安全面临的严重威胁等。但马美经贸关系继续发展,美国还跃升为马来西亚最大的出口市场和外资来源,这与马来西亚成功的外交谋略不无关系。对美政策有效地捍卫了马来西亚的政治和经济利益,提高了马来西亚的国际地位,基本体现了马来西亚当时的国家利益,充分显示了小国外交的智慧。     

Incomplete Sovereigns: Unpacking Patterns of Indigenous Self-Governance in the United States and Canada

ABSTRACT

In the early 1970s, both the Canadian and United States federal governments introduced modern land claim agreements as a first step forward in the states’ recognition of Indigenous goals for self-determination. Since then, both the United States and Canadian federal governments have incrementally expanded their recognition of Indigenous rights to include Indigenous goals for political self-determination. Yet, despite the fact that both countries began implementing broadly similar policies at approximately the same time, the degree to which Indigenous political and economic self-determination has been realized varies considerably both within and between the two countries. The variation in Indigenous self-governing power and authority suggests that the policy shift towards Indigenous self-determination is incomplete and has faced important barriers to implementation. This paper investigates two key aspects of this variation in Indigenous self-determination in the United States and Canada: (1) institutional histories embedded in geography, and (2) the temporal nature of policy frameworks. I argue that the full realization of Indigenous self-determination has been shaped in different ways and, ultimately, is limited by the intersection of embedded institutional legacies and federal political dynamics.     

艰难的握手：中美实现平民回国问题谈判的历程

1954～1955年,处于敌对状态的中美两国实现了日内瓦会议上的外交接触,并最终就平民回国问题达成协议。这对于冷战时期的中美双方具有特殊意义。根据两国解密的外交档案来看,中美在参加日内瓦会议前都曾有意识地就解决平民回国问题做了准备,新中国政府采取以静制动的策略争取了主动,最终促成这次看似偶然实则必然的外交谈判。谈判本身及最终协议的达成,对此后中美关系的发展产生了重要影响。     

George W. Bush,Barack Obama and the future of US global leadership

The foreign policy world views of George W. Bush and Barack Obama differ dramatically. Bush made terrorism the focal point of his foreign policy and dismissed the idea that either allies or international institutions should constrain America's freedom of action. Obama sees terrorism as one of many transnational problems that require the cooperation of other countries to combat and, as a result, the United States must invest more in diplomatic efforts to build partnerships. Despite these differences, both presidents share one common conviction: that other countries long for US leadership. Bush believed that friends and allies would eventually rally to the side of the United States, even if they bristled at its actions, because they shared America's goals and had faith in its motives. Obama believed that a United States that listened more to others, stressed common interests and favored multinational action would command followers. In practice, however, both visions of American global leadership faltered. Bush discovered that many countries rejected his style of leadership as well as his strategies. Obama discovered that in a globalized world, where power has been more widely dispersed, many countries are not looking to Washington for direction. The future success of US foreign policy depends on the ability of policy‐makers to recognize and adapt to a changing geopolitical environment in which the US remains the most significant military, diplomatic and economic power but finds it, nonetheless, increasingly difficult to drive the global agenda.     

The New World and the ‘New Turks’: the American-Turkish Claims Commission and Armenian-Americans’ contested citizenship in the interwar period

The flourishing of nativist political sentiments during the recent United States presidential election has resulted in popular speculation about who is, and who is not, a ‘real’ American. Foreign-born citizens’ struggles to forge a sense of civic belonging amid fears of national disloyalty have significant precedent. This article examines one such historical episode, which centres on a claims commission established between the United States and Turkey during the interwar period. The American-Turkish Claims Commission was intended to aid the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two nations through the resolution of private claims. For the hundreds of Armenian-Americans who filed claims, the Commission provided an unparalleled opportunity to seek their new government’s assistance in claiming compensation from the Republic of Turkey for losses incurred during the Armenian genocide. However, such faith was unwarranted, as the United States excluded from consideration all of the claims made by American citizens who were former Ottoman subjects. This article examines the reasons behind the exclusion of these claims and raises questions as to how immigrant communities can overcome the narrowing of what it means to be American both on the world stage and at home.     

Making the Conspiracy Theorist a Prophet: Covert Action and the Contours of United States–Iraq Relations

Convert action is an inherently fraught undertaking. It can produce important diplomatic or strategic gains at a relatively low price, but it can also result in substantial “blowback” when it fails to remain covert. This article traces the impact of two covert operations–US support for a Kurdish rebellion in northern Iraq in the 1970s, and US arms sales to Iran during the Iran-Iraq war–on Saddam Hussein's strategic perceptions of the United States. It argues that revelations of US covert action interacted symbiotically with Saddam's preexisting suspicions of the United States, helping to forge a legacy of mistrust and hostility that did much to shape his views of the relationship. Saddam's personality and worldview inclined him toward conspiratorial thinking; US policies made this outlook seem prophetic.     

“六日战争”对美国犹太人族群认同的影响

20世纪60年代,"大屠杀"话语的传播引发了美国犹太人对族群命运的担忧。在"六日战争"前,面对阿拉伯国家的反犹宣传及其对以色列的重重围困,美国犹太人担心"再次大屠杀"会发生,从而促使美国犹太人对以色列的生存产生深度忧虑。美国犹太社团逐渐把维护以色列的特殊利益和争取美国社会对以色列的同情与支持,作为游说活动的主要目标。美国犹太游说组织通过舆论引导、公开呼吁、经济动员等方式积极进行游说。"六日战争"后,美国与以色列之间的特殊关系迅速发展。美国犹太人的民族自信心和自豪感显著提升,并自觉地将以色列与自身的命运紧密相连。他们在归属意愿、宗教情感、对以色列的文化兴趣、青年群体族群意识等层面表达对以色列的认同,以色列在美国犹太人族群认同中发挥的作用凸显。     

A Quiet Revolution in Diplomacy: Quebec–UK Relations Since 1960

ABSTRACT

Quebec’s modern international outlook and its current paradiplomacy can be dated largely from the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s. Since then, the provincial government in Quebec City and the federal government in Ottawa have had to tread a fine line in accommodating each other’s constitutional rights in the field of international relations—a line that has occasionally been breached, especially in the years following the Quiet Revolution and in critical periods such as those prior to the 1980 and 1995 referenda. Foreign governments have also had to engage in careful diplomacy in order to avoid upsetting either Ottawa or Quebec City—and this has been especially true in the case of the countries historically most involved with Canada and Quebec—France, the United States, and Britain. But whereas there has been some academic writing on Quebec’s relationships with France and the United States, very little attention has been devoted to Quebec–UK relations since the Quiet Revolution. This article seeks to fill that gap and argues that the Quebec–UK relationship since the 1960s can itself best be characterized as a “quiet revolution” in diplomacy that has largely avoided the controversies that have sometimes dogged Quebec’s relations with France and the United States.     

Quebec–US Relations: The Big Picture

ABSTRACT

The objective of this article is to propose a periodization of the international policy between Quebec and the United States focusing on two levels of analysis: The first level is interested in public policy instruments such as the opening of delegations, while the second focuses on the paradigm of state action. From these two main criteria, I propose an analysis of five periods. The first period (1867–1960) is characterized by the absence of a structured paradigm and the virtual absence of diplomatic instruments with the exception of a tourism and trade office in New York. The second period (1960–1976) reflects a desire by Quebec to develop a larger presence in the United States with the creation of many instruments, as the public policy paradigm is gradually being built. The third period (1976–1980) is characterized by Quebec sovereignists’ awareness of the importance of the United States. This period is noted for a significant paradigm shift. The fourth period (1980–2001) is marked by the turn toward free trade. The last period (2001 to present) is characterized by the importance of new challenges that extend the public policy paradigm to issues such as security in the 9/11 environment, as well as to energy and environmental issues.