浅析冷战以来美国南海政策的演变

南海问题出现于20世纪60年代末70年代初,涉及七方六国,是指中国与越南、菲律宾、马来西亚、印度尼西亚、文莱、中国台湾等国家及地区关于南沙群岛主权归属和领海、大陆架及专属经济区划分产生的争端,主要包括领土归属和管辖两方面的内容。美国是对南海问题具有影响力的区外国家。自冷战以来,美国不断调整其对南海的政策,以实现自身国家利益的最大化。美国不断插手南海事务不仅仅是政治上的原因,还有其经济、军事等方面的因素。本文试图分析美国自冷战以来,根据世界政治格局与自身的国家利益不断调整南海政策的历史过程。     

马来西亚纳吉政府华人政策调整述评

文章分析了2008年大选以来,特别是2009年4月纳吉出任马来西亚第六任首相以来,马来西亚政府对华人政策的主要调整与变化;探讨了促进政策调整的政治、经济和民意等各种原因以及政策调整对马来西亚政治和马来西亚华人的影响,旨在比较全面地把握马来西亚政治与族群关系的发展态势。     

战后马来西亚华人再移民：数量估算与原因分析

论文通过马来西亚方面的人口统计数据,并根据人口自然增长率,推算了马来西亚华人再移民数量;探讨了马来西亚华人再移民的分布与类型及马来西亚华人再移民的原因。结果显示,截至2010年,马来西亚华人再移民约达113万。二战后马来西亚华人因各种历史原因,比如在国内政治上遭受排斥和歧视,经济上受到限制和整治,教育和文化上的不平等政策,强迫同化的压力以及追求海外居住权或国籍等,他们大量二次移民至新加坡、英国、美国、加拿大和澳大利亚等地。欧美等发达国家以其相对宽容和公正的法律环境、积极的移民政策和经济一体化发展的前景持续赢得了马来西亚华人再移民的青睐。     

冷战时期日本与东南亚国家关系的探索

第二次世界大战结束后,东西方随之进入政治与军事全面对峙的冷战时代.五六十年代的亚洲形势远比欧洲错综复杂.东亚和东南亚成为冷战时期大国利益的交汇地区.日本与东南亚在战后冷战的国际社会中占有重要位置.日本与东南亚国家的重新交往,始于战后初期日本对东南亚国家的经济赔偿.这种赔偿具有双重性质:一方面,它利用东南亚国家在战后初期一段时间内的困难处境迫使它们开放市场,以便进行经济扩张;另一方面,追随美国的冷战政策.整个冷战时期,日本依靠美国的安全保障致力于经济活动,是冷战的最大受益者.     

马来西亚、印度尼西亚民族关系比较

马来西亚当地民族和华人的关系比印度尼西亚当地民族和华人的关系和谐得多,其原因主要在于：马来西亚的马来人对华人的偏见不如印度尼西亚当地民族那么强烈;马来西亚的华人政策比较宽松;马来西亚拥有缓冲民族冲突的政治机制;马来西亚的政治、经济局势比印度尼西亚稳定。     

华人移民与马来西亚的政治发展

华人移民是马来西亚政治发展的一个决定性因素。这里所谓的政治发展主要是指公共资源的分配从不合理状况向相对合理状况的变化。马来西亚原是英国的殖民地,其公共资源的分配权长期由英国殖民统治者把持。马来西亚政治发展的第一步就是推翻英国殖民统治,建立独立的国家。马来西亚独立后,在制度上给予了马来人许多特权,而华人等非土著居民则处于二等公民的地位,在公共资源的分配上明显呈现一种不合理的状况,因此,马来西亚政治发展的第二步是通过具体的权力分配制度,尽可能维护和扩展华人等非土著居民的利益。第三步则是打破种族界限,使资源的分配以个人、群体的能力和奋斗的结果为依据。其中,华人移民或以武装斗争,或以自己族群组织的偶然选择,或以自己经济利益上的牺牲,对马来西亚的政治发展做出了重要贡献。     

浅析后冷战时期美国对东南亚的外交政策

美国的东南亚政策从仅仅是贸易、经济利益的获得场所到二战之后的战略核心区域,该地区作为一个整体开始成为美国全方位的战略利益关注区。随着冷战的结束,美国的东南亚政策又经历了四位总统的制定和执行,发生了不同程度的变化。本文旨在重点观察冷战后美国对东南亚的外交政策,围绕着美国的国家利益,东南亚在如今又成为了美国的重点关注地区,以维护其不断下降的国际地位。     

试论马来西亚华人与马来人的民族关系

论文通过分析独立以来马来西亚华人政策和华巫关系的演变 ,提供了世纪之交马来西亚华人与马来人关系的一个背景。作者并认为它将促使华人以政治参与、经济合作、文化共荣达致新的发展 ,马来西亚华人与马来人的关系将进入一个新的发展阶段。     

20世纪90年代以来马来西亚民族政治的淡化

20世纪90年代,马来西亚民族政治明显淡化。主要表现在：政府的各项政策已跳出“马来人优先”、“马来人特权”的窠臼,代之以强调多民族的共同发展与包容;国民的政治价值取向开始超越民族意识,逐渐走向理性化。之所以如此,主要有三个方面原因,一是经济发展消除了民族冲突的经济根源;二是工业化和都市化使得极端的民族主义思想失去了现实基础;三是冷战结束后国际形势的变化。     

美国航空冷战政策的缘起、演进和调整(1947—1963)北大核心

冷战格局形成之际,利用国际民用航空实施遏制战略成为美国全球冷战布局的重要环节,此即航空冷战。通过单边和多边相结合的方式,美国构筑了针对苏联和东欧国家民用航空技术与设备的出口管制体系。在民用航线问题上,美国致力于打造限制甚至封锁苏联和东欧国家民用航空活动的所谓“空中铁幕”。基于自身利益的考量,英国等西欧国家从一开始就对美国的航线限制政策持有不同立场,美国试图切断东西方民用航空联系的努力未能如愿。面对国际民用航空的发展及美苏航空技术实力对比的变化,美国最终放弃构建“空中铁幕”的政策图谋。美国航空冷战政策的演进证明,国家利益考量和技术实力对比是决定航空冷战走向和国际民用航空格局的关键因素。     

Pivoting toward Asia: Comparing the Canadian and American Policy Shifts

Both Canada and the United States have “pivoted” toward Asia in their foreign policy over the past decade, although emphases in those pivots differed between the two countries. The former focuses on an economic pivot initially, the latter on a security one. What factors explain these shifts? What was the magnitude of policy change by both? Utilizing some important theoretical works by Charles Hermann, we discuss the factors that appear to have brought about this policy change toward Asia, outline the actions and activities that both countries have initiated toward Asia in the past decade to illustrate the type and magnitude of policy change that has occurred, and compare some areas of political, economic, and military similarities between Canada and the United States toward this region. Finally, we assess the likely future of these pivots to Asia in light of the change in political leadership within both nations.     

19世纪末至20世纪20年代美国外交思想探析

从19世纪末叶以来,美国外交思想经历了从孤立主义向所谓的“国际主义”的转变,这种转变到了第一次世界大战爆发后基本完成,其核心内容是美国借助着强大的经济、军事和化力量,大踏步地迈向国际政治竞技场,实现这一时期绝大多数美国领导人梦寐以求的世界领袖地位。然而,这种转变在国内外遇到了强大的阻力,最终把美国的世界领袖梦想化为烟云。不过,美国的政治、经济和战略等利益已经使美国无可解脱地与世界联系在一起。就美国外交而言,这是一个不可逆转的趋势,美国人厌恶卷入大洋之外政治事务的传统心态由此正发生着变化,这也预示着美国力图充任世界领袖的时代正在缓慢地到来。     

The United States, The United Nations and Iraq: 'Multilateralism of a kind'

Much is made of the need for any second war against Iraq (following Desert Storm of 1991) to be sanctioned by a resolution of the UN Security Council, approved necessarily by all five Permanent Members. Yet only two of the five, the USA and the UK, show any enthusiasm for renewed war in the Persian Gulf; and British policy is undeniably following rather than leading American actions on the diplomatic and military fronts. What are the sources of this American policy? Some critics say oil; the latest arguments of proponents invoke humanitarian concerns; somewhere between the two are those who desire ‘regime change’ to create the economic and political conditions in which so‐called western political, economic and social values can flourish. To understand the present crisis and its likely evolution this article examines American relations with Iraq in particular, the Persian Gulf more generally and the Middle East as a region since the Second World War. A study of these international relations combined with a critical approach to the history of American actions and attitudes towards the United Nations shows that the United States continues to pursue a diplomacy blending, as occasion suits, the traditional binaries of multilateralism and unilateralism—yet in the new world‐wide ‘war on terrorism’. The question remains whether the chosen means of fighting this war will inevitably lead to a pyrrhic victory for the United States and its ad hoc allies in the looming confrontation with Iraq.     

George W. Bush,Barack Obama and the future of US global leadership

The foreign policy world views of George W. Bush and Barack Obama differ dramatically. Bush made terrorism the focal point of his foreign policy and dismissed the idea that either allies or international institutions should constrain America's freedom of action. Obama sees terrorism as one of many transnational problems that require the cooperation of other countries to combat and, as a result, the United States must invest more in diplomatic efforts to build partnerships. Despite these differences, both presidents share one common conviction: that other countries long for US leadership. Bush believed that friends and allies would eventually rally to the side of the United States, even if they bristled at its actions, because they shared America's goals and had faith in its motives. Obama believed that a United States that listened more to others, stressed common interests and favored multinational action would command followers. In practice, however, both visions of American global leadership faltered. Bush discovered that many countries rejected his style of leadership as well as his strategies. Obama discovered that in a globalized world, where power has been more widely dispersed, many countries are not looking to Washington for direction. The future success of US foreign policy depends on the ability of policy‐makers to recognize and adapt to a changing geopolitical environment in which the US remains the most significant military, diplomatic and economic power but finds it, nonetheless, increasingly difficult to drive the global agenda.     

西班牙佛朗哥政府与美古间的秘密接触(1963-1967)

美国与革命后的古巴是意识形态严重对立的一对邻国。自1961年1月断交起,两国政府经常在公开场合表达对对方的敌意。但是,在双方敌意的背后却存在着美古间的秘密接触,特别是在古巴导弹危机爆发后的5年间。在此期间,真正获得美古两国政府信任、促成双方对话的是西班牙佛朗哥政府。西班牙与美古间长期维持的特殊关系,西班牙外交官高超的外交技巧,西班牙在经济腾飞后想要恢复帝国荣光的强烈心愿,是西班牙成功地充当美古中间人的重要原因。这一案例体现出前宗主国在前殖民地国家对外交往中所扮演的特殊角色。     

试析美苏建交的历史背景及原因

1929-1933年世界性经济危机使美苏关系发生了深刻变化.身受经济危机困扰的美国迫切需要将苏联作为重要的商品销售市场和原料供应地.伴随着经济危机的加深,日德法西斯势力开始了疯狂的侵略扩张活动,严重影响了美苏自身的安全和世界和平.在不断变化的国际政治现实面前,奉行现实主义外交政策的罗斯福总统终于打开了与苏联建立外交关系的大门.     

Regulatory Stringency and Policy Drivers: A Reassessment of Renewable Portfolio Standards

Renewable energy policy has far‐reaching implications for national and international economic, environmental, and political sustainability, but thus far within the United States it has been almost entirely the province of state governments. This article examines the factors motivating state‐level policymakers to adopt different forms of a renewable portfolio standard (RPS), highlighting the distinction between degrees of policy stringency, ranging from entirely voluntary participation to rigorous and strictly enforced targets. In the process we introduce a new metric for assessing stringency, more precise and reliable than the various proxies used previously, and analyze its relationship to drivers of policy adoption. We find that policies of different stringencies are motivated by systematically different underlying factors. State‐level citizen political ideology is a significant predictor of RPS policy adoption, particularly for “voluntary” and “weak” policy designs. “Strong” policy designs, on the other hand, are best predicted by ideology at the government level, i.e., the degree of institutional liberalism. These findings may inform current implementation and program evaluation efforts, and potentially point the way toward more effective policy choices if and when an RPS moves forward on the national policy agenda, while the stringency metric central to this analysis can be of use to other policy scholars concerned with topics both within and beyond the realm of energy policy.     

Quebec–US Relations: The Big Picture

ABSTRACT

The objective of this article is to propose a periodization of the international policy between Quebec and the United States focusing on two levels of analysis: The first level is interested in public policy instruments such as the opening of delegations, while the second focuses on the paradigm of state action. From these two main criteria, I propose an analysis of five periods. The first period (1867–1960) is characterized by the absence of a structured paradigm and the virtual absence of diplomatic instruments with the exception of a tourism and trade office in New York. The second period (1960–1976) reflects a desire by Quebec to develop a larger presence in the United States with the creation of many instruments, as the public policy paradigm is gradually being built. The third period (1976–1980) is characterized by Quebec sovereignists’ awareness of the importance of the United States. This period is noted for a significant paradigm shift. The fourth period (1980–2001) is marked by the turn toward free trade. The last period (2001 to present) is characterized by the importance of new challenges that extend the public policy paradigm to issues such as security in the 9/11 environment, as well as to energy and environmental issues.     

Addressing structural violence through US reconciliation commissions: The case study of Greensboro,NC and Detroit,MI

Across the United States, communities encumbered by violence, economic injustice, legacies of oppression and continued social, economic, and political marginalization are increasingly turning toward truth and reconciliation commissions (TRC) to address and remedy persistent inequality. While modeled after the international truth movement, TRCs in the United States are often not state-sanctioned and characterized by fundamental differences that beg the question: How are peace and justice dialectically linked to, and flow from geographic specific understandings of violence? Drawing from the TRC experiences of Greensboro (NC) and Detroit (MI), this paper examines the way communities that were burdened with a history of violence are turning toward TRCs as viable vehicles for addressing violence and inequality in contemporary US society. This paper furthers our understanding of the geographic ruptures violence creates in communities and the often hidden realities that the legacy and memory of violence has for oppressed people in the United States.     

Designing cultural policy in a postcolonial colony: the case of Puerto Rico

Puerto Rico became a territory of the United States in 1898 with the end of the Spanish-American War. In 1952, the island became a ‘Commonwealth’ through the development and approval of a local constitution. While this political status allows Puerto Rico some degree of autonomy, it nevertheless continues to subject the island to United States federal authority. For the last 60 years, discussions on whether Puerto Rico’s Commonwealth status is a permanent or transitional status has fuelled much of the political debate and public policy of the region, and has been highly influenced by political status ideologies: to become a state of the United States, to maintain the current status, or to become independendent. Budgetary, legal, and commercial dependence on the United States causes constant conflicts in the design and implementation of Puerto Rican public policy in areas such as education, law, and economic development. Likewise, culture has not been exempt from these debates. In fact, cultural differences have caused conflict at all levels – from the theoretical conceptions of culture, to cultural policy and arts management. Moreover, the implementation of cultural policies has also been subject to political ideologies and the concept of culture has variably been seen as an obstacle or strength for specific political purposes. In the midst of a sustained economic crisis, the current Puerto Rican government has proposed the development of a comprehensive cultural policy through a participatory process. The objective of this paper is to present this process as a means of analyzing Puerto Rico’s experience through the challenges in designing and implementing cultural policy within a ‘postcolonial colony’ scenario. This paper will place emphasis on the government’s role, cultural public institutions, and cultural production.