马来西亚国阵政府的华人政策走向

本文认为 ,由于华人选票对国阵的重要作用 ,1999年大选后继续执政的国阵政府将继续实施较宽松的华人政策。事实上 ,政府在大选前后已推出不少宽松的华人政策。然而 ,在涉及马来人特权等重大问题上 ,马来人政党巫统为首的国阵政府绝不会让步。因为占人口多数的马来人 ,始终是巫统保有强势政治地位的社会基础。马华两族的地位差别还会继续存在。     

马来西亚华人领袖陈祯禄

2007年,我受马来西亚联合执政的华人政党马来西亚华人公会(简称马华公会)邀请,作为大陆参会代表赴吉隆坡参加"百年回眸——敦陈祯禄思想研讨会"。会议之后,我在马来西亚几位华人学者、马华公会及原左派华人政党成员家里先后住了半月,接触到大量关于马来西亚华人领袖陈祯禄的第一手资料。     

英国殖民当局与马华公会的成立

针对学术界对马华公会成立过程的不同观点和分歧,在认真研究英国殖民部相关档案的基础上,在马来亚华人社会的分化问题、马华公会领袖们的组织宗旨、英国殖民当局在马华公会成立过程中的作用等方面进行了探讨。得出结论,华社并不总是处于一盘散沙的状态,在某种特定的条件下是能做到团结一致的;马华公会是英国殖民当局发起成立的组织,英国殖民当局在马华公会成立过程中发挥了决定性的作用。英国殖民当局的主要动机是希望马华公会成为协助当局恢复秩序的政治力量;马华公会的华社领袖们则希望与马来族群合作,结束英国殖民统治,建立一个新的民族国家。     

“308与505大选后的马华公会：回顾与展望”讲座综述

由中国华侨历史学会、中国华侨华人历史研究所主办的＂中国侨联华侨华人系列讲座＂于2013年9月24日在中国侨联举行。马来西亚华裔政治领袖周美芬女士应邀作了题为＂308与505大选后的马华公会：回顾与展望＂的讲座。周美芬女士先后担任马来西亚国会议员,马来西亚妇女、家庭及社会发展部副部长和马华公会全国妇女组主席等职,     

中国大陆的马来西亚华侨华人研究——以1982~2011年间《华侨华人历史研究》刊发论文为基础的分析

论文基于《华侨华人历史研究》1982年以来刊发的约60篇马华研究论文,同时参考近年来大陆有关马华研究的博士论文,分析了大陆关于马华研究的主要领域、资料来源、资料类型、研究方法、作者群特点等。研究显示,大陆关于马华的研究,涉及到政治、政策、宗教、文化、社会、文学、女性、族群关系、医学和音乐等领域;研究者重点使用的是英语资料和马来西亚当地的资料,使用最多的是中英文图书,其次是中文期刊和中文报纸;文献分析法是主要研究方法。大陆已有一批比较固定的马华研究者,但人数相对有限,且少有人进行专一的马来西亚华人研究。选择马华作为博士学位论文研究课题的作者成为当今学界研究马华的主要力量。     

马来西亚华人与伊斯兰党关系——吉兰丹州个案分析

伊斯兰党是马来西亚主要反对党之一,1990年以来,该党在华人只占4.43%的吉兰丹州长期执政,进行伊斯兰教国实践,其伊斯兰化政策引起朝野争议。论文介绍了伊斯兰党在吉兰丹的伊斯兰化政策,分析了基于伊斯兰党的种族理念,吉兰丹政府的华人政策和吉兰丹华人对伊斯兰党及其州政府的态度,说明坚决支持和坚决反对伊斯兰党的华人是少数,中间派是多数。伊斯兰党在吉兰丹州的执政证明,他们公正、廉洁,能够善待华人,使外州华人不再像过去那样抗拒伊斯兰党。吉兰丹模式对马来西亚其他地方马来人和华人具有示范意义。     

“马来西亚华人社会百年：回顾与前瞻”国际学术研讨会综述

由马来西亚华社研究中心、马华策略研究所联合主办,新加坡亚洲研究学会协办的“马来西亚华人社会百年:回顾与前瞻”国际学术研讨会于2 0 0 3年1 1月2 2 -2 3日在马来西亚吉隆坡举行,来自澳大利亚、新加坡、马来西亚、中国大陆、香港、台湾和日本等国家和地区的40名学者提交了论文,参加会议的人数约3 0 0人。会议由马来亚大学东亚系主任何国忠主持,马华公会总会长黄家定致开幕词,新加坡亚洲研究学会会长李元瑾做会议总结,马来西亚华社研究中心董事主席陈忠登致闭幕词。这次会议是2 0 0 1年6月新加坡“新马华人:传统与现代的对话”国际会议的…     

马来西亚华人政策日愈开放化的导因

一以巫统为主导的大马国民阵线（下称国阵）政府,自1957年独立以来,一直奉行“马来人支配主义权”的狭隘民族主义现,在政治、经济、文化、教育与社会各领域都实行强迫同化政策,企图把一个多元民族的马来西亚逐步塑造成一个单元化的马来人国家。因此数十年来,国阵政府不论在立法或行政主,都限制少族民族（如华族、印度族、卡达山族及伊班族等）使用与发展各自族群语文与文化的权利与自由。然而,自1990年全国普选后,以马哈迪尔为首的国阵政府,却一反过去种族主义者的保守形象,以中庸开明的姿态来对待少数民族的权益,其中最为典型的…     

从华人文化节看当代马华文化的本土化进程

马来西亚华人文化节是马来西亚华人社会一年一度的文化盛事。从１９８４年创办至今,已圆满地举办了１４届。作为新时期马华文化建设的一面旗帜,华人文化节所走过的这１４年,正是马来西亚国家和华人社会经历深刻转变的１４年,也是马华文化在主客观因素的共同作用下,逐...     

一八三二年前英国“反对党”理论发展述要

英国资产阶级两党制度的基本特征之一,是在议会中占次多数席位的政党成为在野党,行使“反对”职能,并起着“后备政府”的作用。但在英国,反对党并非很快获得“反政府”之权并能参与轮流执政的。从政党的出现到反对党在政府中合法地位的确立,其间历时悠久。英国统治阶级对反对党政治作     

Political party support in the Korean fifth republic: An ecological analysis 1981–1985

The absence of surveys detailing the voting intentions and past voting behaviour of Koreans has left obscure important aspects of party development during the Fifth Republic. Ecological analysis of district level voting returns for the 1981 and 1985 National Assembly elections is used to find two distinct patterns of voter continuity. In 1985 the ruling Democratic Justice Party was able to hold its 1981 voters while attracting considerable support from former opposition party voters. The opposition parties, in contrast, showed great turmoil, lost voters being compensated for by gains from other parties. These two patterns are attributed to a pro and anti‐government cleavage in Korean society. The pro‐government voters had a natural home in the ruling party while the anti‐government voters lacked a single focus and, hence, were more volatile.     

Race,Class and Politics in Peninsular Malaysia: The General Election of 2008

Racial politics have bedevilled peninsular Malaysia since independence in 1957, largely sustained by a ruling coalition of partners sharing power unequally, in a consociational government. The effect of a racialised practice over fifty years is the institutionalisation of the politics of ethnic pluralism, each component driven by its own internal dynamic and cultural logic: for the Chinese it is the politics of economic security, for the Tamils the politics of religion and caste, and for the Malays incipient class antagonisms that are historically rooted in a feudal society. In the general election of 2008, there was an unprecedented swing of votes across the ethnic divide against the ruling government, resulting in the loss of five state governments to an opposition coalition espousing multiculturalism and the loss of the government's two-thirds majority in Parliament for the first time. However, we argue that these developments do not signal the beginning of the end of racial politics in peninsular Malaysia. Instead, the opposition has skilfully recoded multiculturalism as social justice and accountability in racial terms, and effectively communicated this to an essentially racialised electorate at a time when Malays, Chinese and Tamils had lost faith in the ruling government's ability to address deep-seated grievances specific to each of these communities.     

Compulsory voting,turnout and party advantage in Australia∗

Who votes or does not vote in a voluntary system has long been thought to have distinct benefits for different political parties. High turnout has been seen as aiding parties of the left, low turnout parties of the right. Although Australia has a compulsory system of voting, this paper shows tha there are still party advantages and disadvantages associated with the 5 percent of the eligible electorate who fail to vote. When turnout is high, Labor makes a net gain in votes, and when turnout is low, the Liberal‐National coalition benefit. Making estimates of nonvoting in Britain and applying them to Australia indicates that this pattern would persist if voluntary voting were applied to Australia, giving the Liberal‐National coalition an inbuilt advantage.     

Change and Continuity in Irish Politics: The General Election of 2007

Bertie Ahern, the incumbent Taoiseach or Prime Minister of Ireland, was elected to a third term in the general election of 24 May 2007. While Ahern's party, Fianna Fáil, was able to retain its governing coalition, the level of support of some of the other parties changed dramatically. Fine Gael, the principal opposition party, saw its number of seats in the parliament, Dáil Éireann, increase by nineteen. Some of the minor parties did less well than expected or compared to previous elections. Only the Greens maintained their six representatives. As a result, they were rewarded with a share in the new government. This election suggests that, while Irish society is changing rapidly, the political system is changing more slowly and subtly. This article examines the election results in terms of the fate of the political parties and focuses on one constituency, Tipperary South, to illustrate trends in Irish electoral politics.     

Power or policy: a comparative study of the cohesion of Italian coalition governments in the First and Second Republics

In the 1990s the Italian political system witnessed momentous changes that have severely impinged upon the country's political parties and party system. What has been the resulting effect on the cohesion of Italian governing coalitions? Has the effect on the nature and workings of governing coalitions been a product of the changing motivations of political parties? This article attempts to tackle the following questions by using the general framework of several formal coalition theories complemented with an analysis of the specific features of the Italian political context.     

A fragile political sphere

The Italian political sphere is characterized by an endemic fragility whose origins can be traced back to the post-unification practice of trasformismo and the ensuing system originally summarized by Paolo Farneti as ‘monopolist coalition’. Here, through shifts in alliances and personal agreements, a powerful centre coalition permanently holds power and blocks the opposition from becoming a possible alternative government. The ruling class fails to function as a party and uses parliament and the government as organizational tools of its hegemony. As a consequence, the functioning of the democratic system is distorted and the role of the public sphere inhibited. From the Risorgimento, through fascism, to the First and Second Republics and Berlusconism, this article assesses the fragility of Italy's political sphere as a recurrent constant in the history of the nation and the result of ‘tare storiche’ that remain unhealed.     

挑战与应对：民主党派参政议政的科学化

参政议政的科学化是民主党派面临的一项重大历史任务,是各民主党派从完善党派的参政方式和提升参政能力的角度出发、在不断总结自身参政经验和客观规律的基础上、为实现科学而有效地参政议政奠定坚实根基的社会历史过程。当前,民主党派要在坚持执政党领导的前提下,加强自身的思想理论建设,完善相关法律制度,培育参政议政人才,加强合作与交流,以促进民主党派整体功能的最大发挥。     

‘The Costly Luxury of Protesting’: The Deselection of J.M. Maclean,MP

With the increase in the electorate as the result of the Second and Third Reform Acts in the latter half of the 19th century came a corresponding increase in the importance of political parties. With this increase in the importance of party came the fear that the Burkean definition of the MP as a representative, owing his electorate his judgment as well as his industry would be replaced by a narrower conception of the MP as a delegate, returned to vote according to the dictates of party or ‘caucus’, subject to rejection by his party prior to an election, rather than the electorate as a whole at an election. This article examines the case of J.M. Maclean, Conservative MP for Cardiff 1895–1900, deselected by his constituency executive for his opposition to the Boer War, using it to shed light on the reaction of constituency parties in instances where MPs were felt to have overstepped the proper bounds of party discipline. The article concentrates on the relations between Maclean and his constituency party, crucial in Maclean's deselection. The limits of political dissent in time of war are examined, and the limitations placed by party on the freedom of action of individual MPs. In addition, the article gives glimpses of the tensions present in the Conservative‐Liberal Unionist coalition which governed Britain between 1895 and 1906, particularly on perceptions of the controversial figure of Joseph Chamberlain among Conservative back benchers.