‘Independence is not given,it is taken’: the Ivorian cinquantenaire and competing history/ies of independence

This article explores competing histories of independence in Côte d'Ivoire. The 2010 commemoration of fifty years of independence led to competing histories about how and if the nation achieved independence in 1960. The postelectoral crisis of 2010–2011 that followed soon afterwards has been interpreted by supporters of the outgoing president Laurent Gbagbo as an attempt by France and the international community to re‐colonise Côte d'Ivoire. The article asks how different versions of this history are connected to different political projects and how they have changed through time. The article will analyse these processes of meaning‐making in a historiology of Ivorian independence, thus contributing to constructivist accounts of nationhood, collective memory and historiography. The paper thus argues that different media of recalling the past in the present, such as commemoration and historiography, should be studied in a complementary manner to understand how (joint) remembering and forgetting are tools and mirrors of nations at work.     

Power Relations and Upgrading in the Cashew Value Chain of Côte d'Ivoire

Development organizations are increasingly adopting market‐based approaches to reducing rural poverty and food insecurity in the global South. The value chain approach is particularly popular. Aid donors, governments and non‐governmental organizations are applying value chain concepts originally designed for promoting industrial production to smallholder agricultural production. Cashew development in Côte d'Ivoire illustrates this new approach to rural development in which ‘upgrading’ the production and processing links are top priorities. A core assumption informing this approach is that improvements in product quality at the producer level will yield higher producer prices and incomes. This article examines this assumed quality–price relationship through a comparative analysis of cashew quality and prices in Côte d'Ivoire. The research reveals a disconnect between nut quality and producer prices. The case study demonstrates that power relations are more important than quality in setting producer prices for raw cashew nuts.     

Narratives of Modernity,Masculinity, and Citizenship Amid Crisis in Abidjan's Sorbonne

In this article I relate prominent depictions of the African urban crisis, particularly informality, and its implications for masculine subjectivity in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire. Drawing on five months of ethnographic fieldwork I conducted in 2008 and 2009, I consider the Sorbonne, a nationalist space in Abidjan, where partisans of former President Laurent Gbagbo contested the crisis narrative and their place in it. Literally and ideologically, Sorbonne orators and spectators moved themselves and their country from the periphery to the urban and global core.     

Balancing the Constitution: Bicameralism in Post-revolutionary France, 1814–31

After the defeat of Napoleon, representative institutions were introduced in many European states. In France, as in other countries, this new institution was modelled on the English example: a bicameral legislature with an elective and a hereditary chamber. However, the Chamber of Peers failed to live up to its model: it soon became clear that it did not behave as an independent, aristocratic chamber capable of holding the balance between the king and the popular Chamber. Restoration liberals concluded on the basis of this failure that the English political model was simply unsuitable for a levelled society such as that in post-revolutionary France. In 1831, the hereditary Chamber of Peers was abolished. The experience of the French with the Chamber of Peers therefore seems to confirm the idea of a French ‘Sonderweg’ developed by historians such as François Furet and Pierre Rosanvallon. However, it should be noted that even after 1831 the idea of a balance as such did not disappear from French political culture. French publicists suggested that the balanced constitution of the English could be imitated in France in different ways, without necessitating the creation of an aristocratic institution. Thus, the example of the French Chamber of Peers shows that institutional transfers had an important impact on French political culture.

résumé: Après la défaite de Napoléon, des institutions représentatives furent introduites dans beaucoup d'états européens. En France comme dans d'autres pays, la nouvelle institution fut modelée sur le modèle britannique du bicaméralisme avec une chambre élue et une chambre héréditaire. Cependant la chambre des pairs ne réussit pas à imiter son modèle. Il devint rapidement évident qu'elle ne représentait pas une aristocratie indépendante capable de servir de lien entre la chambre et le roi. Les libéraux de la restauration conclurent de cet échec que le modèle britannique ne correspondait pas à une société nivelée comme la France post-révolutionnaire. En 1831 la chambre des pairs hereditaire fut abolie. Cette expérience de la chambre des pairs semble confirmer l'idée d'une exception française telle que François Furet et Pierre Rosanvallon la décrive. Cependant l'idée ne disparut pas et cette notion d'équilibre resta dans le discours politique français. Les publicistes Français suggérèrent qu'une constitution équilibrée puisse être imitée sans une institution aristocratique. Cet exemple montre à quel point les transferts institutionnels eurent un impact dans la culture politique française.     

The new politics of protection? Côte d'Ivoire,Libya and the responsibility to protect

In March 2011, the UN Security Council authorized the use of force to protect civilians in Libya. This was the first time that the Council has ever authorized the invasion of a functioning state for such purposes. International society's relatively decisive responses to recent crises in Côte d'Ivoire and Libya has provoked significant commentary, suggesting that something has changed about the way the world responds to violence against civilians. Focusing on these two cases, this article examines the changing practice of the UN Security Council. It argues that we are seeing the emergence of a new politics of protection, but that this new politics has been developing over the past decade. Four things are new about this politics of protection: protecting civilians from harm has become a focus for international engagement; the UN Security Council has proved itself willing to authorize the use of force for protection purposes; regional organizations have begun to play the role of ‘gatekeeper’; and major powers have exhibited a determination to work through the Security Council where possible. However, the cases of Côte d'Ivoire and Libya also help to highlight some key challenges that might halt or reverse progress. Notably, states differ in the way they interpret mandates; questions are being asked about the UN's authority to act independently of specific Security Council authorizations; the overlap of regional organizations sometimes sends conflicting messages to the Security Council; and there remains a range of difficult operational questions about how to implement protection mandates. With these in mind, this article concludes with some suggestions about how the future challenges might be navigated in order to maintain the progress that has been made in the past decade.     

Celebrating Literature to Shape Citizenship: France's 2007 ‘Lire en fête’

Each year since 1989, France has celebrated Lire en fête, a literary festival initiated by then Minister of Culture Jack Lang. Like other national festivals created during the 1980s, such as La Fête de la musique and La Fête du cinéma, Lire en fête provides entertainment, but also directly relates to government democratisation efforts. This article analyses the 2007 version of Lire en fête, focusing on primary documents such as the Dossier de presse and the official website, and suggests that the French government uses this festival to increase public engagement in French society and to encourage responsible citizenship, in part by fostering the development of a literate public sphere.

Chaque année depuis 1989 la France célèbre Lire en fête, une fête littéraire lancée par Jack Lang qui à l'époque était Ministre de la Culture. Comme tant d'autres fêtes nationales créées pendant les années 80, telles que la Fête de la musique et la Fête du cinéma, Lire en fête est un divertissement, mais est aussi liée directement aux efforts du gouvernement de démocratiser la culture. Cet article analyse l'édition 2007 du festival, en se concentrant sur des sources comme le Dossier de presse et le site Internet officiel, et suggère que le gouvernement français utilise cette fête pour augmenter l'engagement public de la société française ainsi que pour encourager les citoyens à être des citoyens responsables, en partie en favorisant le développement d'une sphère publique instruite et cultivée.     

A West African ‘Fashoda’: Expanding Trade,Colonial Rivalries and Insurrection in the Côte d'Ivoire/Gold Coast Borderlands: The Assikasso Crisis of 1897–98

The story of the ‘Scramble for Africa’ goes deeper than the mere arbitration of boundaries and the partition of colonies and territories. Less well understood are the complex ways in which Atlantic-based commercial capitalism and imperialism generated new sources of African wealth at regional and district levels and yet simultaneously aggravated intra-ethnic trade rivalries and personal aggrandizement by warlords, which led in turn to both African inter-state violence and armed anti-colonial insurrections on the Côte d'Ivoire/Gold Coast frontier that frustrated European territorial conquest and efforts towards political stabilization.     

The Political Transfer of English Parliamentary Rules in the French Assemblies (1789–1848)

France has often been perceived as the most resilient country to political transfers from abroad. This view does not withstand close scrutiny and political realities tell a different story. This article argues for a reinterpretation of the role of political transfers in modern French political life (since 1789). Through the study of the introduction of rules inspired by the British parliamentary system, this article seeks to show that transfers did take place and gave rise to controversy. The July Monarchy represents the best example. There was an effective transfer but the resistance to this transfer was also very effective. This resistance shows the structural specificity of the French parliamentary system. Political transfers are thus double edged: it is simultaneously an import into a system and a way of reorganizing the system that modifies the nature of the transfer (in this instance the ‘recipes’ of the British parliament).

Résumé La France a souvent été vue comme le pays du refus de toute importation politique venue de l'étranger. Mais, une telle idée appartient plus au monde des représentations (que les Français ont abondamment nourri) qu'au domaine de la réalité politique. Cet article plaide pour une réévaluation du rôle tenu par les transferts politiques dans la vie politique française moderne (à partir de 1789). A travers l'étude de l'introduction de règles inspirées du modèle parlementaire britannique, l'article tente de démontrer que les transferts ont été à la fois effectifs et sujets à de très fortes controverses. La période de la monarchie de Juillet, de ce point de vue, offre un exemple remarquable. Le transfert eut bien lieu (la publicité des votes principalement) mais la résistance opposée à ce transfert fut elle aussi très efficace. Cette résistance est un révélateur des spécificités structurelles du parlementarisme français. Un transfert politique se révèle donc ici ambivalent: il est à la fois un phénomène d'importation à l'intérieur d'un système d'accueil (ici, la monarchie de Juillet) et une forme de recomposition de ce système qui vient modifier à son tour la nature initiale du transfert (ici, les ‘recettes’ du parlementarisme britannique).     

Ivoirian identity constructions: ethnicity and nationalism in the prelude to civil war

ABSTRACT. The recent and unresolved conflict in Côte d'Ivoire has received little attention in the English‐speaking world. Where it is discussed, the instrumentalist view of ethnic conflict predominates. This is a linear and structural argument. It examines how pre‐given ethnic groups gained political voice in clashes over control of economic resources, and were subsequently manipulated by political elites with personal agendas. This paper questions the coherence of group identity and instead emphasises the agency of individuals. It argues that the meaning of ethnic identity was transformed as social and economic grievances led to conflict between political groupings. This approach accords individual Ivoirians more responsibility for determining the boundaries of ethnic and nationalist exclusion, and for participating in the ensuing violent conflict.     

China's and India's perspectives on military intervention: why Africa but not Syria?

This article addresses the puzzle for students of international relations as to why China and India, two major re-emerging powers in Asia, do not always baulk at military intervention invoked by Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, while they rhetorically harbour strong reservations about it. The recent cases of Côte d'Ivoire (2011), Libya (2011), Syria (since 2011) and Mali (since 2012) show that both China and India acquiesced in external military intervention in these African countries plunged into brutal civil wars, with only intervention in Syria being rebuffed. By studying how they voted in the United Nations Security Council in 2011–12 and their discourses on intervention, including humanitarian intervention, this article examines why their decisions about intervention in Africa diverged from their decisions regarding intervention in Syria. The authors put forward the thesis that their behaviour can be explained by an interplay between norms and interests, in which they express a common anti-US liberal imperialist stance, shaped by a ‘collective historical trauma' and ‘post-imperial ideology', and demonstrate concerns for state failure and preferences for regional initiatives and political mediation to resolve civil wars.     

Lorca's Late Poetry. Andrew A. Anderson

Abstract

Joseph Brami, Madeleine Cottenet-Hage, and Pierre Verdaguer, eds. Regards sur la France des années 1980. Le roman (Stanford French and Italian Studies, 80) Saratoga, Calif.: ANMA Libri, 1994. 260 pp.

Jean-Claude Carron, ed. François Rabelais: Critical Assessments. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995. 227 pp. $38.50.     

Intertextual geopolitics and La Carte et le territoire: a cautionary tale for UNESCO and the repas gastronomique des Français?

ABSTRACT

La Carte et le territoire features a France in decline, saved, entre autres, by attracting foreign tourists with ‘heritagised’ French food. Eight days after the novel won the 2010 Prix Goncourt, the repas gastronomique des Français was inscribed on UNESCO’s Intangible Cultural Heritage list (ICH). Considering Houellebecq’s use of tropes of culinary heritage alongside the French ICH bid reveals parallels in their manipulation of culinary heritage to create globally marketable products. Yet the motivations and ramifications of the ‘gastrodiplomacy’ in the novel and in the French state’s arguably neo-imperialist initiative differ tellingly. Houellebecq’s novel brings into cautionary focus how responding to perceived geopolitical imperatives by creating narratives of cultural heritage can instead eradicate the conditions of renewal upon which it depends and limit cultural diversity. The instrumentalisation of food heritage by a global corporation, national government and UNESCO—an ostensibly benign supranational institution—risks creating new conditions of global competition. However, comparing the novel and the narratives surrounding the repas gastronomique des Français nonetheless suggests that representations of food—like language—can exceed authorial intention, and the gastronomic miscegenation that is strategically missing from Houellebecq’s novel and elided in the ICH bid may yet continue to feed French food heritage.     

Immigrant memories; immigrant places/Français d'ailleurs,peuple d'ici

Français d'ailleurs, peuple d'ici, 10‐part series published in the Collection ‘Autrement’ during 1995, 89F. each volume:     

Recent publications

Bilan économique et sociale de la France La Documentation française, 1997, 156pp., 75F., ISBN 2 11 00 3901 9

CROZET Y. et al., Les grandes questions de l'économie française, Nathan, 1997, 352pp., 125 F., ISBN 2 09 190367 1

DELBO, C., Convoy to Auschwitz: Women of the French Resistance, Northwestern University Press, 1997, 220pp., £23.50, ISBN 1 55553 313 2

DOLAMORE, S. M., French Autobiographical Writing 1900–1950, Grant and Cutler, 1997, 425pp., £32.50, ISBN 0 7293 0396 9

FRAISSE, R. et FOUCAULD, J.‐B., de (eds), La France en prospectives, Odile Jacob, 1996 402pp., 140F., ISBN 2 7381 0426 6

HAALAND MATLARY, J., Energy Policy in the European Union, Macmillan, 1997, 174pp., £12.99 pbk, ISBN 0 333 64349 6

MINISTÈRE DES AFFAIRES ETRANGÈRES, Cent ans de cinéma français. Brève histoire du cinéma français 1960–1990, Ministère des Affaires étrangères, 1996 207pp., 55F., ISBN 2 9111 2735 8

POMIER, N. (ed.), French Correspondence, Oxford University Press, 1997, 158pp., £4.99, ISBN 0 19 860010 0

ROBERTS, J. M., The French Revolution, Oxford University Press, 1997, 180pp., £8.99, ISBN 0 19 289292 4

SCHOR, R., La France dans la Première Guerre mondiale, Nathan, 1997, Collection 128 128pp., 49FF., ISBN 2 09 190381 7

Tableaux de l'Économie Française 1997–1998, INSEE, 1997, 200pp., 79 F.     

Hollande and Africa Policy

Studies of French Africa policy have traditionally focused on its neo-colonial basis and the often corrupt nature of the relations it engendered because of the connivances of semi-official and unofficial networks and covert practices that characterised it. These are often referred to in the literature as la Françafrique. In seeking to understand François Hollande's Africa policy this article moves away from a neo-colonial, Françafrique analytical framework and instead seeks to engage with the continuity versus change debate in French Africa policy through the lens of geopolitics. The three central themes of Hollande's Africa policy—security, partnership and trade—are analysed, focusing firstly on the French interventions in Africa, notably in Mali, since 2012, before discussing French engagement with African regional organisations, such as the Economic Community of West African States, and the increasing importance attached to economic and trade links. The article ends with a brief survey of some of the challenges facing French Africa policy.     

Book reviews

ATTARD‐MARANINCHI, M.‐F., Le Panier, village corse à Marseille, Autrement, 1997, 157 pp., 89 F., ISSN 0336 5816

CAYROL, R., Médias et démocratie: la derive, Presses de Sciences Po, 1997, 115 pp., 75F., ISBN 2 7246 0710 4

CLERC, D., Dictionnaire des questions économiques et sociales, Editions de l'Atelier, 1997, 315 pp., 85F., ISBN 2 7082 3284 3

C?URÉ, S. et al. (eds), Marcel Cachin: Carnets 1906–1947: Volume IV 1935–47, CNRS, 1997, 1190 pp., no price indicated, ISBN 2 271 05124 X

COOPER, F., Decolonisation and African Society. The Labour Question in French and British Africa, Cambridge University Press, 1996, 677 pp., £55 hbk, ISBN 0 521 56251 1; £19.95 pbk, ISBN 0 521 56600 2

DEBRAY, R., Transmettre, Odile Jacob, 1997, 204 pp., 120F., ISBN 2 7381 0461 4

ELKABBACH, J.‐P., 29 mois et quelques jours, Grasset, 1997, 346 pp., 126F., ISBN 2 246 54341 X

ESTABLET, R., Comment peut‐on être Français? 90 ouvriers turcs racontent, Fayard, 1997, 242 pp., 100F, ISBN 2 213 59962 9

FAURÉ, C. (ed.), Encyclopédic politique et historique des femmes, PUF, 1997, 885 pp., 498F., ISBN 213 048 316X

FILLIEULE, O., Stratégies de la rue, Presses de Sciences Po, 1997, 435 pp., 265F., ISBN 2 7246 0707 4

GAFAITI, H., Les Femmes dans le roman algérien: histoire, discours et texte, L'Harmattan, 1996, 350 pp., 180F., ISBN 2 384 4039 8

GEISSER, V., Ethnicité républicaine. Les élites d'origine maghrébine dans le système politique français, Presses de Sciences Po, 1997, 261 pp., 149F., ISBN 2 7246 0732 5

GRANGE, J., La Philosophie d'Auguste Comte, PUF, 1996, 447 pp., 198F., ISBN 2 1304 7277X

HAUT CONSEIL DE LA FRANCOPHONIE, Etat de la Francophonie dans le monde: données 1995–1996 et 5 études inédites, La Documentation française, 1997, 629 pp., 150F., ISBN 2 11 003683 4

INSEE, La France et ses régions: Edition 1997, INSEE, 1997, 226 pp., 89F., ISBN 2 11 066 505 X

KALYVAS, S., The Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe, Cornell University Press, 1996, 300 pp., £15.95, ISBN 0 8014 3241 3

KNIGHT, D., Barthes and Utopia. Space, Travel, Writing, Clarendon Press, 1997, 287 pp., £35, ISBN 0 19 81 5889 0

KOFMAN, S., Rue Ordener, Rue Labat, University of Nebraska Press, 1996, 85 pp., £11, ISBN 0 8032 7780 6

LEVY, S. (ed.), Surrealism: Surrealist Visuality, Keele University Press, 1996, 173 pp., £35, ISBN 1 8533 1 170 7

LLOYD, M. and THACKER, A. (eds), The Impact of Michel Foucault on the Social Sciences and Humanities, Macmillan, 1997, 186 pp., £42.50 hbk, ISBN 0 333 63126; £15.99 pbk, ISBN 0 333 68432 X

LYNCH, F. M. B. France, and the International Economy, Routledge, 1997, 227pp., £45, ISBN 0 415 142 199

MINISTERE DE LA JUSTICE, Les archives contemporaines de l'administration centrale. Guide de recherches, La Documentation française, 1997, 312 pp., 300F., ISBN 2 11090 299 X

MUXEL, A., Individu et mémoire familiale, Nathan, 1996, 226 pp., 139F., ISBN 2 09 190420 1

NEBOIT‐GUILHOT, R. and DAVY L. (eds), Les Français dans leur environnement, Nathan, 1996, 382 pp., 199F., ISBN 2 09 190369 8

REYNOLDS, S., France between the Wars: Gender and Politics, Routledge, 1996, 280 pp., £16.99, ISBN 0 415 12737 8

RITCHIE, A.C., Media French. A Guide to Contemporary French Idiom, with English Translations, University of Wales Press, 1997, 268 pp., £20, ISBN 0 7083 1399 X

RONCAYOLO, M., Les grammaires d'une ville. Essai sur la genèse des structures urbaines à Marseille, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1996, 508 pp., 380F., ISBN 2 7132 1195 6

ROUGELET, P.R.G., La machine à scandales, Albin Michel, 1997, 261 pp., 98F., ISBN 2 226 09274 9

SHERINGHAM, M. (ed.), Parisian Fields, Reaktion Books, 1996, 200 pp., £12.95, ISBN 0 948462 85 X

SHLAPENTOKH, D., The French Revolution in Russian Intellectual Life, 1865–1905, Praeger, 1996, 202 pp., £46.50, ISBN 0 275 95573 7

The French Revolution and the Russian Anti‐Democratic Tradition. A, Case, of False Consciousness, Transaction Publishers, 1997, 324 pp., £20.95, ISBN 1 56000 244 1

TERRIER, D., Les deux âges de la proto‐industrie: les tis‐serands du Cambrésis et du Saint‐Qucntinois, 1730–1880, Editions de I'EHESS, 1996, 311 pp., 150F., ISBN 2 7132 1203 0

TOPPIA, J.‐M., Function politique et délit d'ingérence, L'Aube, 1996, 381 pp., no price indicated ISBN 2 87678 270 7

TREMOIS, C.‐M., Les Enfants de la liberté. Le jeune cinéma français des années 90, Seuil, 1997, 282 pp., 120F., ISBN 2 02 032309 5

TUCK, P., The French Wolf and the Siamese Lamb. The French Threat to Siamese Independence, 1858–1907, White Lotus, distributed by Liverpool University Press, 1995 434 pp., £24.95, ISBN 1 879155 44 3

VANDERVORT, B., Victor Griffuelhes and French Syndicalism, 1895–1922, Louisiana State University Press, 1996, 278 pp., $50, ISBN 0 8071 2045 6     

Property,Authority and Citizenship: Land Claims,Politics and the Dynamics of Social Division in West Africa

In the contemporary African context of rising competition and anxiety over access to land, neoliberal policy interventions designed to clarify property rights, broaden political participation and increase official accountability have frequently provoked rather than alleviated social and political conflict. Comparing case histories of local struggles over land and authority in selected rural areas in Ghana, Côte d'Ivoire and Bénin, this paper argues that in situations where access to land has been linked historically to claims on authority and social belonging, pressures to privatize or clarify ownership have intensified debates over citizenship and governance as well as over land claims per se. Ensuing struggles over land and entitlement have intersected with national as well as local economic and political dynamics, reinforcing ‘traditional’ hierarchies, contributing to the proliferation of formal and informal governing agents and institutions, and frequently disrupting or subverting open governance and sustainable resource use, rather than helping to create conditions for sustainable development and democratization.     

Vichy and the Complexities of Collaborating with Fascist Italy: French Policy and Perceptions between June 1940 and March 1942

This article seeks to explore the complex nature of Vichy France's dealings with Fascist Italy between June 1940 and March 1942. At the heart of the inquiry is a seemingly remarkable volte-face by the two governments. The Italian declaration of war in June 1940 was viewed by many in France as an act of betrayal. By December 1941, however, Vichy and Fascist Italy were engaged in secret military collaboration. The first section focuses upon the period after the outbreak of war, seeking to establish the precise character and parameters of the relationship. The second section examines the reasons for the transformation, analysing Vichy's negotiations with Italy and Germany between May 1941 and March 1942. It suggests that the shift in Vichy's approach was in large part motivated by a belief that the weakness of Italy would compel it to make concessions on a scale that the Nazi government would never even consider. Historians of Vichy have often downplayed the significance of Fascist Italy yet, like Nazi Germany, Italy posed a substantial threat to the integrity and sovereignty of France and its colonial empire. Vichy's policy of collaboration was therefore conceived in trilateral rather than bilateral terms.

Cet article cherche à examiner la nature complexe des relations entre la France de Vichy et l'Italie fasciste de juin 1940 à mars 1942. Au centre de cette enquête se trouve la volte-face apparemment remarquable des deux gouvernements. La déclaration de guerre par l'Italie en juin 1940 fut considérée par un grand nombre de Français comme un acte de trahison. Cependant, en décembre 1941, Vichy et l'Italie fasciste s'engagèrent dans la collaboration militaire secrète. La première partie se concentre sur la période après le début de la guerre, et essaie d'établir quels sont la nature précise et les paramètres des relations entre Vichy et l'Italie. La seconde partie examine les causes de cette transformation en analysant les négociations entre Vichy, l'Italie et l'Allemagne entre mai 1941 et mars 1942. L'auteur suggère que le changement dans l'approche de Vichy était en grande partie motivé par la conviction que la faiblesse de l'Italie la forcerait à faire des concessions d'une ampleur telle que le gouvernement nazi n'aurait jamais même envisagé. Les historiens de Vichy ont souvent minimisé l'importance de l'Italie fasciste, mais contrairement à l'Allemagne nazie, l'Italie constitua une menace importante pour l'intégrité et la souveraineté de la France et de son empire colonial. La politique de collaboration de Vichy était donc conçue en termes trilatéraux et non bilatéraux.     

Women's Cotton and the Spaces of Gender Politics in Northern Cote d'Ivoire

This article seeks to contribute to the gender and 'development' literature by showing how gender struggles over women's economic autonomy from cotton growing are played out at multiple geographical scales. The main argument is that 'men' and 'women' do not simply negotiate over cash cropping within the household. Women in particular find it necessary to 'jump' the scale of the household in order to secure productive resources for cash cropping. Drawing upon the notion of 'scalar politics,' this article illuminates the multiple processes and scaled spaces in which women's economic autonomy expands and contracts around the cultivation of cotton. It is inspired by feminist political ecological approaches to examine how the micro-politics of gender interact with meso- and macro-level agroecological and political economic processes affecting women's poverty and empowerment. Based on longitudinal research in northern Côte d'Ivoire, it shows how women of different sociocultural and economic standing negotiate access to productive resources at multiple scales, and how some men seek to restrict these initiatives. As women search for solutions to contradictions in gendered social relations of production, at different geographical scales, they have simultaneously dispersed the site of gender struggles to other locations (the marketplace and women's personal fields). Male household heads now find it necessary to contest women's cotton growing in these gendered spaces in their attempt to control their wives' labor.     

Rivet's Mission in Colonial Indochina (1931–1932) or the Failure to Create an Ethnographic Museum

By focusing on a transfer of a museological model from the Musée d'Ethnographie du Trocadéro to colonial Indochina, the paper examines the failure to create an ethnographic museum. The paper analyses, on the one hand, the collecting practices in the field and the circulation of knowledge, people, and objects from metropole to colony and vice versa. On the other hand, it seeks to highlight why Rivet and the École Française d'Extrême-Orient focused their research programme on the Montagnards from 1932 onwards at a time when French administration attempted to control the Highlands due to its strategic importance in terms of controlling Indochina. The concern with establishing ethnographic collections in Indochina extending from 1920s to 1938 attests the ways in which museums could be evolved in the governance of colonial populations. However, this concern underestimated the very fact that ethnographic museums differed for metropolitan populations and for colonizers.