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1.
冯尔康 《安徽史学》2015,(1):126-131
文章概述了清代前期西洋传教士在安徽布道与天主教堂在安徽的分布、安徽教徒到外省传教和信教活动,以期有助于安徽天主教史的研究。西方传教士成际理、梁弘仁、魏方济、奥地利南怀仁等人在徽州府婺源县、池州府、淮南府、太平府芜湖县、滁州直隶州、泗州五河县等六个府州县建立教堂多所,吸收信众;与西洋传教士配合,徽州信徒姚若翰到江苏海门、池州石埭教徒沈方济各赴湖北谷城传教;有十多名安徽教徒在江苏、北京等地过宗教生活,其中有汪钦一、鲍天衢、汪伊纳小等六名徽州人,参与西方传教士传教活动。作者认为,与各省比较,安徽属于天主教活动相对沉寂的省份;徽州人在外省颇有皈依天主教的,而徽州本地人似乎不感兴趣,是否与这里宗族势力强大、理学观念深入人心有关,需要深入研讨。  相似文献   

2.
A conciliar canon from Visigothic Spain relates that Jewish parents, who had been baptized by force, were trying to save their children from baptism, relying on the help of Christian neighbours, who lent them their own children for a second baptism. According to the wording of the canon, Jewish parents thereby illicitly retained their children as 'pagans'. This very peculiar, 'extremist' terminology served as a rhetorical tool to denigrate Judaism, putting it on a par with idolatry, superstition, supposedly primitive religion and backward, rural culture. This rhetorical strategy was used to construct a negative Jewish identity, which in turn served to strengthen a new concept of Gothic identity propagated ever since the conversion of the Visigoths to catholicism. Catholic Goths are presented both as the heirs of christianized Roman culture (which included the acceptance and transformation of catholic anti-Judaism), and as the champions of historical progress, allegedly overcoming different kinds of pre-Christian, 'barbarian' religion.  相似文献   

3.
This article analyses Ivan Jablonka’s Laëtitia ou la fin des hommes, which garnered three major prizes in the fall of 2016 (Le Prix Littéraire du Monde, Le Médicis et Le Prix des Prix) while also receiving quasi-unanimous acclaim from French press and media. My purpose is to explain how Jablonka’s writing contributes to exposing, denouncing and even, as far as possible ex post facto and by means of a text, undertaking a kind of reparation of the masculine violence inflicted on the 18-year-old young woman not only at the end, but throughout her entire life. To this end, the paradigm of violence laid out by Lévinas and Derrida will allow us to explore the ethics and poetics of non-violence. If on the one hand Jablonka’s text reveals the subjective involvement of the researcher and writer, we will see on the other hand that his project carries social, political and human stakes: his writing of a ‘crime story’ constitutes a manner of understanding the tragedy in the context of French society, with its social, judiciary and political institutions.  相似文献   

4.
This article examines the specificity of rural France in Europe and assesses the nature of the new challenges confronting it. Discussing the changes affecting the peasant world and French rural society, it aims to provide a balanced picture of the agricultural question by linking it to the issue of ruralité. Rural France has now become an object of debate not only for French society, but also for the future of European agriculture. The article also analyses to what extent France remains original in its position as the most ‘rural’ of the western European states by examining its relationship to its territoire and its integration into a global economy.  相似文献   

5.
Comme ailleurs dans le monde, on se préoccupe de plus en plus au Québec de l'utilisation massive des pesticides en agriculture. Des données sur l'utilisation de ces produits et sur l'incidence du cancer du cerveau, des tissur lymphatiques et de la leucémie en 1982–83, ont été cornpilées à I'échelle de 34 bassins hydrographiques situés dans la partie méridionale du Québec. Le calcul des indices comparatifs de morbidité (ICM) a permis d'évaluer l'incidence des cancers dans les bassins oÙ I'utilisation des pesticides en agriculture est la plus importante depuis plus de 15 ans. Pour la leucémie, un excès statistiquement significatif d'incidence chez les hommes (ICM = 1,69, p ≤ 0.05) a été calculé dans la population rurale agricole du bassin de la rivière Yamaska, ce dernier figurant parmi les bassins très exposés aux pesticides. Le calcul des risques relatifs (RR) à l'échelle des municipalités du bassin de la Yamaska a montré un excès statistiquement significatif de risque (p ≤ 0,05) pour la leucémie chez les hommes dans les municipalités rurales agricoles IRK = 2,27) par rapport aux municipalités urbaines. Il existe également un excès statistiquement significatif (p ≤ 0,05) chez les hornmes dans les municipalités yur s alimentent en eau potable dans des puits (RR = 2.07) par rapport à celles qui s'alirnentent aux rivières, mais le rôle de la source d'alimentation en eau est difficile à isoler. puisque la plupart des municipalités qui s'ali mentent dans des puits sont également des rnunicipalités rurales agricoles. Les résultats globaux de cette étude exploratoire au niveau du bassin de la Yamaska permet-rent de soulever l'hypothese d'une relation entre la leucémie et l'utilisation massive des pesticides en agriculture dans cette région du Québec. Cette hypothèse mériterait d'être vérifiée par des études de type épidémiologique au niveau individuel. As elsewhere in the world, researchers in Quebec are becoming increasingly concerned about the extensive use of pesticides in agriculture. Data for 1982–83 concerning the use of these products and the incidence of leukemia and of cancer of the brain and the lymphatic tissues have been tabulated for 34 drainage basins located in southern Quebec. The calculation of the standard morbidity ratio (SMR) allowed us to evaluate the incidence of cancers in these drainage basins where agricultural pesticides have been used at high levels for more than 15 years. For leukemia, a statistically significant higher SMR (1.69 p ≤ 0.05) was shown to exist among men in the rural farm population in the basin of the Yamaska River. This basin was one of the areas most exposed to agricultural pesticides. The calculation of the relative risks (RR) for men at the level of municipalities within the Yamaska River basin showed a statistically significant excess (p ≤ 0.05) for leukemia in the rural farm municipalities (RR =2.27) as compared to urban municipalities. There was also a statistically significant excess (p ≤ 0.05) for men in municipalities that draw their drinking water from wells (RR =2.07) as compared to those where water is drawn from rivers. However, the role of the source of drinking water is difficult to isolate because most municipalities that draw their water from wells are also agricultural and rural. The overall results of this exploratory study from the basin of the Yamaska River suggest that there may be a relationship between leukemia and the extensive use of agricultural pesticides in this region of Quebec. This hypothesis could be verified in epidemiological studies at the individual level.  相似文献   

6.
Protest politics in the French countryside centred on broad criticism of the authority and policies of the EU. The activities of Coordination rurale on the right of French politics in 1992, and Confédération paysanne on the left since the 1980s, reflected rising rural discontent. Syndicats agricoles drew on the anger of farmers who saw agricultural politics focus on decisions by the EU and the French government to allow market priorities to transform the countryside. The often violent reaction to EU-negotiated changes imposed on French agriculture challenged legitimate authority: a sign of rising Euroscepticism in rural areas in the 1990s. The unions did not persuade politicians to accept alternative forms of agriculture but their actions challenged the future of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), further integration and enlargement of the EU.  相似文献   

7.
Since the publication of the volume Rural Studies in Britain and France (1990) by P. Lowe and M. Bodiguel, ‘la ruralitéfrançaise’ has become the object of intense scrutiny and has emerged as a political field where questions of national and collective identity, traditions, history, landscapes, the past and future of French society have all been debated. In the introduction to that volume, the editors declared: ‘The countryside and rural society, their past, present and future, are major preoccupations in Britain and in France. The urbanisation of the two nations has in no way diminished this interest; if anything, it has sharpened it. With the bulk of economic and social activity concentrated in towns and cities, the countryside has come to embody largely a cultural interest in both countries’, something that has been borne out by recent events. This special issue devoted to ‘Politics, tradition and modernity in rural France’ is the first issue of Modern & Contemporary France to be dedicated to a discussion of topics surrounding la question agricole. The recent publication of a short dossier on French agriculture in the journal French Politics, Society and Culture pointed the way to a number of the debates examined in the following articles about the past and the future of rural France, especially in the context of a more globalised and Europeanised economy.  相似文献   

8.
After two decades of privileged relations with Catholic traditionalism, the Front national (FN) now presents itself as the staunchest defender of laïcité. This article aims to examine this alleged secular turn by analysing its relation with Marine Le Pen’s strategy of normalisation. It argues that laïcité in today’s bleu marine FN must be understood both as a new frame to legitimise old preferences and as a strategy to reach heterogeneous constituencies. Furthermore, the article places the FN’s understanding of laïcité into the larger context of the diffusion of exclusionary readings of French secularism since 1989.  相似文献   

9.
Dan Gallin 《对极》2001,33(3):531-549
The purpose of this contribution is to identify some of the issues which need to be addressed in order to advance the organisation of workers, and in particular women workers, in informal employment. The organisation of these workers, collectively described as the "informal sector", represents an existential challenge to the trade union movement: unless and until it puts itself in a position to effectively address this challenge, it cannot halt its decline, but in order to do so it has to undergo fundamental changes in its culture, its self-awareness and the way it relates to society. The issue of organising the informal sector is at the heart of the necessary transformations the trade union movement must undergo to recover its potential as a global social force.  相似文献   

10.
In this article, I discuss the tragic attack on the French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo in Paris on 7 January 2015. First, I comment on Didier Fassin's article ‘In the name of the Republic’, published in anthropology today in April 2015. I express my disagreement with him on the issue of laïcité, and offer a critical examination of the concept, taking into account what I call ‘the Christian heritage of the secular state’. I then examine the various French reactions to the tragedy and focus on the history of the French state and its (post)colonial relations with French Islam to offer an explanation of the events.  相似文献   

11.
Since the Second World War, the structure of agriculture in developed nations has undergone a fundamental change toward an industrial mode of production. Much of the literature suggests that trends associated with industrializing agriculture have hurt farm communities, as evidenced by the decline of social and economic opportunities. To examine this notion, a comparative study (1965–86) was carried out on the social participation and interaction rates of farm families in an area of industrializing agriculture in southwestern Ontario. Specific attributes of the farm and farm family were correlated to family participationlinteraction scores. Analysis revealed that participation in the community had not declined despite the effects of quite dramatic agricultural change. It is postulated that the overall social cohesion of the farm community is stronger than has been suggested. Depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, la structure de l'agriculture dam les nations développées a subi un changement fondamental vers un mode de production industrielle. La plus grande partie de la littérature sur ce sujet suggére que le cours des événements associéà I'agriculture industrialisée a eu un effet négatif sur les communautés agricoles. Afin d'examiner plusieurs aspects de cette idée, une étude comparative fur faite (1965–86) pour établir le taux et participation de d'interaction sociale chez les familles rurales dans une région d'agriculture industrialisée du sud-ouest Ontario. Des caractéristiques spécifiques de la ferme et de la famille rurale furent mises en corrélation avec les résultats touchant la participation et l'interaction familiales. L'analyse des données révéla que la participation dans la communauté n'avait pas baissée malgré les effets des changements assez dramatiques dans l'agriculture. On peut donc postuler que la cohésion sociale globale de la communauté agricole est plus forte que l'on pensait.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract. With the realisation that the future of French in Québec depends on its adoption by a growing number of immigrants, efforts have intensified in recent years to promote a less ethnic and more civic conception of Québécois identity. As attested by the title of the final report of the Commission des États généraux sur la situation et l'avenir de la langue française au Québec (French, a Language for Everyone), a key component of this new conception is the idea that French should be a langue publique commune (common public language) for all those residing in Québec, irrespective of ethnic origin. This article examines the notion of langue publique commune in more detail. While the concept assumes that language can somehow be ‘de‐ethnicised’ to become the property of all ethnic groups, observations made in other contexts only confirm the inextricable link between language and the ethnic, as opposed to the civic, dimension of national identity. The article also investigates the issue of language motivation, in particular the related challenge faced by the Québécois authorities of how to encourage so‐called new Quebecers to adopt French as their language of public communications.  相似文献   

13.
《Northern history》2013,50(2):273-301
Abstract

This article examines the Popular Front campaigns in 1938 and 1939 at grassroots level. It does this by taking the North-East region as a case study. The north-eastern labour movement was traditionally moderate and loyal. Substantial support for the policy in regions like the North-East was vital if the labour movement as a whole could be won over to the Popular Front. The article concentrates on Sir Stafford Cripps's 'Petition Campaign' launched in February 1939 and compares it with the earlier United Peace Alliance campaign. It discusses the individuals and organizations that supported or opposed the Popular Front project, and the problems with the nature of their reaction. The explanation of the failure of the Popular Front campaigns in the North-East necessitates the exploration of the attitudes of Labour, Liberal and Conservative Party supporters and grassroots activists, thereby throwing light on the political culture of the region.  相似文献   

14.
This article examines the role of facially wounded soldiers and prosthetic masks in the post‐First World War reconstruction of a gendered French nation. In contextualising the work of Anna Coleman Ladd, who sculpted facial prosthetics to ‘re‐humanise’ disfigured French veterans, I aim to shed light on larger post‐war tensions between the accommodation and rejection of social and cultural change. By submitting to Ladd's efforts and donning her devices, the French mutilés who sought her help articulated, through their bodies, a conservative vision for the French nation – highlighting the resonance of the traditional masculine ideal in post‐war France and a desire to reconstruct an idealised past. The exposure of the ‘surreal’ face, conversely, signalled the futility of a return to the status quo ante and the creation of the Union des Blessés de la face et de la tête allowed veterans to renegotiate the bounds of acceptable masculinity. Collectively, the facially wounded suggest the ways in which the face serves as a site of gender work, a means by which to challenge or reify masculine norms of behaviour and appearance.  相似文献   

15.
16.
The Innis model of staple production has been used as the framework for evaluating many Canadian resource trades. This paper argues that Japanese resource trade differs from that with Europe or the United States and that the distinct set of institutional arrangements governing Japanese resource trade requires the modification of the Innis model to recognize this new form of Canadian staple production and trade. The one billion dollars per annum Canada-Japan coal trade provides a detailed case study of the institutional complexity of Japanese resource trade, as revealed through corporate strategies, trade intermediaries, equity investment, loan arrangements, export contracts, and public infrastructure. Minority Japanese investments in joint ventures replace the dominant role of foreign capital in earlier versions of the staples model. The role of finance capital is highlighted by Japanese loans typically exceeding equity investments in size. The high transaction cost of negotiating hundreds of contracts is reduced through the use of sogo shosha (Japanese general trading companies) as intermediaries. Unequal relations are demonstrated by the greater risk borne by local investors as private firms provide equity and public institutions invest in infrastructure. The Quintette mine in northeast British Columbia highlights these risks. Overall, the complexity of the Japanese supply system reduces the bargaining power of any single supplier. However, the stability promoted by the security objectives of the Japanese supply system leads to long-term trading relations that can provide corporate cash flows and maintain community viability during cyclical downturns in the industry. Le modele d'lnnis sur la production des matieres premiéres a servi a analyser les effets du commerce des ressources naturelles au Canada. Le texte maintient que les echanges de ressources naturelles avec lelapon different de ceux qui lient le Canada aux Etats-Unis et à l'Europe, et que la particularité des structures servant à administrer le commerce avec le Japon nécessite une modification du modele d'lnnis vouéà l'analyse des effets de ce commerce. Le texte se penche sur le commerce du charbon entre le Canada et le Japon, dont la valeuratteint 7 milliard$ parannée. Cette étude de cas va permettre de saisir la complexité institutionnelle des échanges ayant trait aux ressources naturelles avec le Japon, perceptible dans les stratégies des corporations, la présence d'intermédiaires, les investissements, les modalités de prêts, les contrats d'exportation et les infrastructures. Les investissements minoritaires des japonais dans des entreprises conjointes remplacent le rôle dominant des investisseurs étrangers caractéristique des modeles antérieurs d'extraction des matieres premieres. Le rôle accru du capital financier est souligné par les prêts des japonais qui exddent habituellement leur achat d'actions. Les hauts cocits transactionnels lie's à la négociation de centaines de contrats est réduit par l'intermédiaire de sogo shosha (compagnies japonaises se spkcialisant dans les échanges entre corporations). Nous constatons l'exis- tence de rapports inégaux olj le gros des risques est assumé par les investisseurs locaux et les agences gou- vernementales qui assurent la mise en place d'infrastructures. La mine Quintette dans le nord-est de la Colombie-Britannique illustre bien ces risques. La complexité du systeme d'approvisionnement japonais réduit les atouts dans les négociations des fournisseurs pris individuellement. It demeure que la stabilité, qui découle des objectifs d'approvisionnement a long terme des japonais, permet d'établir des rapports d'échange durables qui garantissent aux entreprises des revenus persistants ainsi que la prospérité des localites olj se trouvent les opérations d'extraction. Ces localités se trouvent alors soustraites aux effets des cycles économiques.  相似文献   

17.
Since 1949 there have been dramatic changes in the flow of migrants from Mainland China to Canada, which existing structural models of migration, emphasizing factors in the destination country, do not fully capture. Conditions in the country of origin, and geopolitical relationships between China and Canada, played a decisive role in this migration. Even though Canada in theory opened a window for family reunification in the postwar era by removing long-standing discriminatory clauses blocking Chinese immigration, in practice cold war geopolitics led the Chinese to shut that window, blocking nearly all emigation. Changing geopolitical circumstances led China to develop an open-door policy between 1973 and 1989, leading to increasing flows of migrants to Canada. The political response in Canada to the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989 was to allow all Chinese students and workers in Canada to stay, if they so wished, under the om-is-399 Policy. The result was a large inflow making mcis the third-largest group of immigrants to Canada in the early 1990s. Des mutations dramatiques aux flux des immigrants de la Chine au Canada ont eu lieu depuis 1949 qui ne sontpas entierement expliqués par les modèles actuels de la structure de migration. Des circonstances dans le pays ?origine ainsi que des rapports géopolitiques entre la Chine et le Canada ont joués un role decisif dans ces fluxs. Bien que le Canada ait commencéà enlever des dispositions discriminatoires qui bloquaient ?immigra-tion de ?après-guerre aux chinois, permettant théorique-ment la réunion des families, en pratique la géopolitique de la guerre froide a persuadé la Chine de refuser cette occasion, en barrant le chemin à presque tous les émigrants. Entre 1973 et 1989 des changements aux circonstances géopolitiques en Chine ont encouragé une ouverture vers ?extérieur, qui à entraîné une augmentation des émigrants au Canada. La réponse du Canada au massacre de la Place Tiananmen en 1989 a été de per-mettre à tous les étudiants et travailleurs chinois qui se trouvaient au Canada ?y rester, s'ils le voulaient, sous la proposition om-is-399. Le résultat a éte un grand flux ?immigrants au Canada, ce qui a mis les chinois conti-nentaux au troisième rang au début des années quatre-vingt-dix. Mots-clés: migration, géopolitique, réunification de famille, la République populaire de Chine, ?incident de la place Tiananmen, la politique OM-IS-399.  相似文献   

18.
Unlike L'Illustration, with which it competed under the Second Empire, the weekly Le Monde illustré, which first appeared in 1857 and which was protected by the imperial government, did not count among the political newspapers overtaxed under Napoléon the Third's repressive regime. For this reason, it made great strides thanks to its blind allegiance to a French imperialism that had asserted its authority during the Crimean war, but which spent itself during the war against Juárez and his republican partisans in Mexico. While the French liberal press criticized the Second Empire foreign policy, Le Monde illustré persisted in turning the Mexican war into an antijuarist pacification favorable to a new Latin colonial empire, as well as to an application of the Saint-Simonian doctrine on Mexican industry and economy. In order to achieve this, the illustrated reports on the expeditionary force, military operations, and French victories were a warmongering that aimed to place this campaign in the afterglow of the conquistadors' era, as well as to idealize the imperial army as a symbol of the French nation.  相似文献   

19.
This article discusses the French interwar movement in favour of the rationalisation of work and its ideas for a new industrial order. It argues that these ideas were shaped by anxieties about the social consequences of mass production and that a preoccupation with the (re-)creation of productive communities was central to the rationalisation project in France. Rather than embracing American-style mass production as the only model for modernisation, the French modernisers discussed here sought to map out a distinctive route: they sought ways in which goods could be produced on a mass scale, while workers were organised on a human scale, or even returned to the land. Such ambitions gesture just as much towards the passéisme of the Révolution nationale as to the model of Fordist America or the postwar transformation of France.  相似文献   

20.
Sans résumé Laurie Catteeuw, née en 1974, est actuellement attachée temporaire d’enseignement et de recherche à l’école des hautes études en sciences sociales. Elle a récemment soutenu sa thèse, Censures et raisons d’état aux origines de la modernité politique. Dialogues franco-italiens des XVI e et XVII e siècles. Ses recherches portent sur l’histoire de la pensée politique des époques moderne et contemporaine. Elle a notamment codirigé avec Fran?ois Bordes, le Cahier Kostas Papa?oannou. L’amitié, les travaux et les jours (Paris, Acedia, 2004) et publié plusieurs articles dans différentes revues. ? Censure, raison d’état et libelles diffamatoires à l’époque de Richelieu ? vient de para?tre dans les Papers on French Seventeenth Century Literature (vol. XXXVI, no 71, juin 2009).  相似文献   

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