明治前期日本对国家体制的认知与论争

明治前期,日本社会一些思想家和政治家对国家体制问题进行了讨论,他们摆脱传统史观的束缚,探究世界上不同的国家体制,就其优劣长短进行了深入的辨识、比较和分析,并由此提出了自认为最适合日本国情的君主立宪制或民主共和制的构想。这种突破传统的认知与论争,反映了日本社会近代政治意识的觉醒,为其确立近代化国家体制奠定了理论前提。     

论日本近代早期的非传统国家观

日本近代早期,思想界呈现相对活跃的局面。思想家们吸收了西方政治学说中的近代化理论,针对日本长期流行的有关国家、政府性质和职能的传统政治思想,提出了非传统的近代化国家观。对国家起源的论证摆脱了传统的君主是"神"或君权神授、国家权力天然形成的观念,到人类社会发展的矛盾中寻求原因。对于国家的性质、国家与政府的职能等问题也进行了不同于传统的深入阐释,提出了一系列崭新的近代化理念。这为日本创建一种相对近代性的政治体制奠定了理论前提。     

影响大学生政治参与的因素及对策分析

伴随着我国市场经济体制的建立和政治体制的改革,大学生的政治参与出现了一些新特点。总体上呈积极发展的趋势,但也出现了一些问题。大学生政治参与中存在的问题是多方面因素作用的结果,在此基础上,本文提出了加强和改进大学生政治参与的相关对策。     

19世纪后期至2O世纪初期美国城市政治改革

19世纪后期美国城市的迅猛发展和城市政治体制的缺陷造成城市社会形势的严重恶化和腐败行为的泛滥,从而引发了城市政治改革运动的兴起.改革家虽然都出身于中上层阶级,但改革的方向有多种,改革的支持者也复杂多样.总体来说,城市政治改革的进行实现了城市政治体制的重大发展,增强了城市政府治理城市的能力,政治腐败也得到一定程度的遏制.     

19世纪后期至20世纪初期美国城市政治改革

19世纪后期美国城市的迅猛发展和城市政治体制的缺陷造成城市社会形势的严重恶化和腐败行为的泛滥,从而引发了城市政治改革运动的兴起。改革家虽然都出身于中上层阶级,但改革的方向有多种,改革的支持也复杂多样。总体来说,城市政治改革的进行实现了城市政治体制的重大发展,增强了城市政府治理城市的能力,政治腐败也得到一定程度的遏制。     

论社会主义市场经济条件下人事行政管理体制改革的必要性

我国建国后一直实行的是社会主义计划经济体制,政治体制和人事行政管理体制也实行了与计划经济相适应的高度集中统一的体制。无疑,它对我国的经济发展、一政治稳定、社会事业的发展,曾经发挥过积极的作用。但是,随着社会主义市场经济体制的建立和发展,那种高度集中的计划经济体制和与其相适应的人事行政管理体制,已越来越不适应经济建设和改革开放的要求。所以,适应和促进社会主义市场经济的发展,就必须针对这种新的经济体制形式的特点对人事行政管理制度进行必要的改革。一、传统的人事行政管理体制已与市场经济的法制原则不相适应…     

政治文明开新篇

胡锦涛总书记提出了政治体制改革与人民政治参与积极性不断提高相适应的“适应说”,这是对我国政治文明建设的新总结,也是我国政治体制改革必须坚持的正确政治方向。     

战后日本的政治体制改革

战后,由美国占领军总部在日本强制推行的一系列民主化改革,于1952年基本结束。随着“五五年体制”的确立,日本的国民经济开始走向全面腾飞、高速增长的阶段。这就是说,战后日本的现代化是政治体制改革先行,带动和促进了经济发展的“正时序效应”。这种“正时序效应”不仅表现出时间上的向度,而且也极为深刻地体现了空间上的广度。正如一些日本经济学家指出的那样:“离开战后的民主改革,就谈不上日本的‘战后体制’,也谈不     

历史上以色列议会民主制浅析

以色列作为中东地区唯一实行议会民主政治制的国家,一直被誉为"专制沙漠中的民主绿洲"。虽然以色列的政治体制大体上沿袭于西方的政治传统,但又明显融合了以色列自身的历史传统文化因素,形成来源于西方而又区别于西方的独特的政治体制,在中东这块君主专制的沙漠中形成了它独具特色的议会民主制体制,深深影响着以色列的政治现状和政治发展。     

16至19世纪中日“统治体制”变革思想之比较研究

16至19世纪,在西力东侵、西学东渐的背景下,中日两国思想界关于统治秩序和统治体制变革诸问题展开了深入探讨。从时间上看,日本思想精英率先对幕藩体制提出质疑,并围绕"体制转换"问题展开了激烈论争。而同时期的中国其"政体改革"声音则较微弱,两国存在明显的"时间差"。在体制变革路向的问题上,日本的"政体变易"思想并非简单模仿西方"民主体制",而是采取了"王政复古"的方式,建立了以天皇绝对主义为特征的政权,其实质是从纯粹的封建国家体制向封建主义的最后政治形态专制王制的转变。而同时期中国的统治体制变革思想及运动则启动较晚,表现出较为激进的发展态势。尤其在19世纪末叶温和的政治改革运动宣告失败后,迅速出现革命风潮,最终在1912年推翻清王朝,建立了亚洲首个共和国。中日两国关于统治体制变革思想不同趋向的演进,对中日两国近代国家体制的形成及现代化的不同命运产生了巨大影响。     

晚清政治思想超前发展述论

超前于社会经济的发展,是晚清政治思想的重要特点.鸦片战争以后,民族危机日见严重,传统的政治文化面对数千年来未有之变局无能为力,于是有识之士纷纷提出向西方(包括甲午后的日本)学习要求.相比较而言,政治思想的学习远比社会经济变革来得快.近代政治思想的超前发展带动了社会变革.但是,不是建立在中国近代社会发展的基础上的近代政治思想缺憾甚多,并给晚清社会的变革留下若干负面影响.     

The many Robespierres from 1794 to the present

The Belgian Constitution of 1831 marked a decisive step in the continental evolution from Restoration constitutional monarchy, based on the monarchical principle, towards the establishment of parliamentary constitutional monarchy. At the time, the new balance of power desired by the Belgian revolutionaries was captured by the phrase ‘republican monarchy’. It is remarkable that this concept, despite being so central to the founding fathers’ deliberations, has hardly been commented upon by later historians and public lawyers. This article aims to reconstruct the origin, meaning and uses of this concept in the context of the 1830 revolutionary wave. French revolutionary veteran general Lafayette was responsible for popularizing republican monarchy in the July Revolution, although the term’s origins went back to eighteenth-century debates on the reform of absolute monarchy. Lafayette used it to summarize the institutional demands of the republican movement vis-à-vis king Louis Philippe. Its transnational migration to the Belgian context subsequently entailed a shift in meaning which will be charted through an analysis of the Belgian constituent and public debates. Finally, the reasons for the concept’s sudden disappearance from the political stage will be addressed.     

Ayatollah Khomeini: From Islamic Government to Sovereign State

This paper argues that the mature form of the political doctrine of the Ayatollah Khomeini (1902–89), Iranian Shiite religious authority and architect of the Islamic Republic of Iran, grew out of an encounter with the modern understanding of the state and the concept of sovereignty. Khomeini’s political doctrine, called the Absolute Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist, although based on a religious foundation, should be studied as a break with the traditional understanding of political power in Shiism. It will be argued that such a political doctrine can play the same role as the Christian rhetoric of the early modern political thinkers played, pave the way for modernization of Shiite political thought, and prepare the ground for a modern temporal conception of politics.     

英国对待袁世凯称帝的态度

帝制运动开始后,英国认为现阶段不能实行帝制,英国不会支持,帝制问题可推迟到欧战结束后进行。帝制运动进入快速发展阶段后,英国实施两面政策:一方面响应日本号召,联合对袁世凯政府进行劝告,另一方面准备从速承认帝制。袁世凯宣布帝制后,英国经历了从要求立即承认帝制到观望到赞成取消帝制的态度变化过程。英国在袁世凯和护国军之间保持中立。袁世凯取消帝制后,英国对帝制取消后的乱象持不干涉态度。     

Preserving the Neapolitan state: Antonio Genovesi and Ferdinando Galiani on commercial society and planning economic growth

Both Antonio Genovesi and Ferdinando Galiani devised strategies for Neapolitan economic development, which they realised was essential for preserving its recently acquired independent statehood. In order to avoid any socially disruptive effects they considered how economic processes changed the human mind. Both thinkers grounded their political visions on foreign trade on highly sophisticated ideas of the nature of self-interest. In spite of the similar characters of their projects, the political thought of Genovesi and Galiani has never been subject to serious comparison. Instead the two thinkers have tended to be portrayed as opposite characters with highly divergent political leanings. It is argued here that this view is historically questionable and itself a product of a distorting canonisation process that was set in motion in the second half of the eighteenth century. Ironically, comparing the moral philosophies and economic ideas of Genovesi and Galiani, a picture emerges that inverts the myth that started at the end of the eighteenth century and that until this day has determined accounts of the early Neapolitan Enlightenment.     

Preserving the Neapolitan state: Antonio Genovesi and Ferdinando Galiani on commercial society and planning economic growth

Both Antonio Genovesi and Ferdinando Galiani devised strategies for Neapolitan economic development, which they realised was essential for preserving its recently acquired independent statehood. In order to avoid any socially disruptive effects they considered how economic processes changed the human mind. Both thinkers grounded their political visions on foreign trade on highly sophisticated ideas of the nature of self-interest. In spite of the similar characters of their projects, the political thought of Genovesi and Galiani has never been subject to serious comparison. Instead the two thinkers have tended to be portrayed as opposite characters with highly divergent political leanings. It is argued here that this view is historically questionable and itself a product of a distorting canonisation process that was set in motion in the second half of the eighteenth century. Ironically, comparing the moral philosophies and economic ideas of Genovesi and Galiani, a picture emerges that inverts the myth that started at the end of the eighteenth century and that until this day has determined accounts of the early Neapolitan Enlightenment.     

普鲁士改革时期的浪漫主义:思想与行动

浪漫主义运动发生于18世纪末至19世纪30年代,是一场构建民族精神特质的思想塑造运动。柏林的宗教氛围、普鲁士君主制传统,特别是作为其“血脉”的等级制度在法国革命冲击后依然完好无损地保留,使浪漫主义者得以将普鲁士作为政治实验场开展活动。亚当·米勒和斯泰因是两位改革时期的浪漫派代表,一个从观念出发,将君主制、等级制“浪漫化”,用于指导改革;而另一个则从历史经验出发,在实践中尝试将君主制和等级制做出顺应时代的改变。他们的思想和实践对普鲁士的改革进程产生了重要影响。     

律令制确立前的采女与日本古代王权

采女是日本古代地方豪族献给中央朝廷的贡女,是在宫廷主要负责天皇、皇后等饮食起居的下级女官。律令制国家时期的采女制度亦是后宫女官制度不可或缺的一部分,有些采女甚至被升为贵族阶层。然而律令制确立之前的采女并非如此,她们是古代王权专制过程中的产物,是连接中央朝廷与地方豪族之间的桥梁,其出现与演变体现了王权与地方势力双方博弈的过程。对该时期采女的考察,有助于从一个侧面加深对古代王权专制统治的认识。