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抗日名将薛岳,大半生追随孙中山、蒋介石,曾指挥了武汉会战、徐州会战、长沙会战等著名会战,以其著名的"天炉战法"消灭了大量日军,被称为中国"战神"。1950年,他遵蒋介石之命撤退到台湾。蒋介石、蒋经国父子相继亡故后,李登辉当政。李大搞"修宪"勾当,妄图扩大自身职权,有意连任"总统",引起岛内反对声浪。有着"国民大会代表"身份的薛岳, 相似文献
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蒋介石排兵布阵武汉会战是抗日战争中中日双方投入兵力最多、延续时间最长的一次战略性战役,是国民党正面战场最大的会战。此次会战始于1938年6月12日安庆失守,至1938年10月25日蒋介石撤离武汉为止。 相似文献
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苏德战争爆发后,国民政府内部相当一部分成员对苏德战局的现状和走向持续进行着研判.战争伊始,蒋介石在国民政府内部征求对战局的看法,多数意见判断苏德战争将演化为持久战.最初两个月的战局扑朔迷离,但蒋介石与其幕僚通过对驻外机构传回情报的分析,仍未改变之前的判断.基辅会战期间,不少人受前方情报的误导,未能及时觉察德军的胜利,蒋介石则出于诱使日军北上进犯苏联的战略设想,巧合地"预测"到基辅的沦陷.莫斯科会战期间,驻外机构的情报工作恢复正常,国民政府诸人根据传回的信息逐渐意识到战局的逆转,唯蒋介石固守之前的战略设想,拒绝接受此种事实.得益于驻外机构的努力和中国抗战的经验,国民政府中多数人对苏德战局的研判体现了其在国际政治、军事战略上的良好水准.而蒋介石本人于此际的战略眼光,部分依赖于集体智慧,部分出自其诱日犯苏的战略设想,尚未显示出过人的判断力. 相似文献
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汤恩伯是中国现代史上著名的国民党将领,他早年受陈仪推荐到日本陆军士官学校学习炮科,1926年学成回国后到浙军第一师陈仪部担任少校参谋,同年10月,随陈仪率部投奔国民革命军。后因其写的一篇军事论文《步兵中队(连)教练之研究》,获得蒋介石的额外赏识,从此走上了飞黄腾达的道路。作为蒋介石的心腹,他一生顽固坚持反共立场,多次率部镇压中共的革命武装,因此在1949年被共产党列为国民党战犯之一;作为中国将领,他率部以南口血战、台儿庄会战、随枣会战、豫南会战等战役中善打硬仗的突出表现被称为“抗日铁汉”,是为数不多的为日军所畏惧的抗日名将,所部被华北日军视为大敌。 相似文献
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抗日战争全面爆发之后,国民政府最高国防会议决定设立“大本营”,为战时最高统帅机关,以军事委员会委员长蒋介石为大元帅,“统率海陆空军”,并“指导全民”,进行抗战。抗战期间,军委会一直是最高统率部,蒋介石始终是最高统帅。第五战区是最大战区之一,战略防御阶段曾进行或参加了徐州会战,武汉会战,仗打得相当艰苦和顽强,并取得台儿庄大捷等一些胜仗。武汉失陷后抗日战争进入相持阶段,军委会设立委员长桂林行营(又称西南行 相似文献
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白崇禧在淮海会战中并非存心想拆蒋介石的台。白所以在国民党军统一指挥问题上"出尔反尔",是因为他对这场决战没有把握,对会战胜利根本没有信心。在蒋要求继续增援徐蚌战场时,白所以"按兵不动",是因为他坚信救援已经来不及,继续增援不仅无补于大局,而且是"去一个送一个",不如保存这部分势力留作以后卷土重来的资本。 相似文献
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《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(2):233-246
Mr Chiang Kai-shek is a key historical figure of twentieth century China. The studies of his life and thought have attracted many scholars' attention during his lifetime as well as after his death in 1975. In recent years, along with the opening of the archives of Academia Historica, the Chronological Events (Shilue gaoben), and the Diary of Chiang Kai-shek, once again the topic of Chiang has become a focus among China scholars who study the Republican period. Besides numerous conferences and workshops recently held in Taipei, Beijing, Hangzhou, and other cities in both mainland China and Taiwan, academic circles in America, Europe, and Japan have also held some seminars regarding Chiang Kai-shek. The current overseas studies on Chiang Kai-shek can be divided into two groupings geographically: the Euro–American group and the Japanese group. These two groups, plus those from Taiwan and Mainland China, have formed the four most important academic traditions. In spite of their different views and ideologies, these four are able to influence each other and even to come to similar conclusions. These can be summarized as a more positive image of Chiang whose major achievements include fighting the Japanese in WWII and building a modern China in various ways. This paper, relying on overseas research results, will try to help researchers understand the current situation of studies on Chiang Kai-shek in the world so as to lay a better academic foundation for their own further studies. However, because of all kinds of limitations, this paper will rely mostly on the research achievements of English and Japanese works. Research works in other languages and from other regions will have to wait for later efforts. 相似文献
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Xun LU 《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2018,12(1):122-139
ABSTRACT This paper’s main focus is the case of the killing of Chinese citizen Liu Ziran by the American soldier Robert G. Reynolds in Taipei on March 20, 1957. Following this unfortunate event, a United States court-martial was inappropriately held in Taiwan. Reynolds’ acquittal provoked a violent response from the Chinese people. The riot on May 24, 1957, is best interpreted within a framework of nationalism rather than Cold War discourse. That same year, in the Girard case, another American soldier killed a Japanese woman in Japan. Due to the unequal positions of Taiwan and Japan in US Cold War strategy, these two killings were handled differently and led to dissimilar reactions. Washington viewed Taipei as somewhat of a troublemaker rather than a reliable ally and expressed great suspicion of Chiang Kai-shek and his eldest son, Chiang Ching-kuo. The US government had already declined to support Chiang Kai-shek’s plan for parachute raids in China. Meanwhile, Chiang’s authoritarian regime created a hotbed for the outbreak of nationalism. The people of Taiwan experienced a “pawn complex” and, in the Reynolds case, gave vent to accumulated ideological and social pressures. 相似文献
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《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(1):17-34
As a leader of the Republic of China, Chiang Kai-shek carried on Sun Yat-sen's legacy of using diplomacy as a force in the modern era and planned to rely on diplomacy to revise China's unequal treaties with foreign powers. Chiang elaborated on Sun's ideas and maintained that diplomacy as a war without battles worked more effectively than wars with battles. Faced with the threat of Japanese invasion, he upheld the strategy of using one foreign country to control another. He expected the outbreak of a war between Japan and the Soviet Union or between Japan and the United States so that a war between Japan and China could be avoided. Chiang engaged in active diplomacy aimed at turning these expectations into reality. His diplomatic strategy had an impact during the Anti-Japanese War. 相似文献
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Patrick Fuliang Shan 《Frontiers of History in China》2013,8(1):51
This article investigates a political event in modern China that has received relatively little attention in the West. The Seven Gentlemen Incident occurred in the midst of the national crisis of Japanese aggression, when an independent patriotic movement led by seven Shanghai intellectuals organized the National Salvation Association and urged Chiang Kai-shek to fight the Japanese invaders. The Chiang regime, however, arrested the seven and accused them of plotting to overthrow the government. They were released only after Japan launched a full-scale attack on China in July 1937. Scholars have offered varying images of the incident. While the Seven Gentlemen were denounced as criminals by the Nationalists in Chinese Taiwan, they were respected as national heroes in Chinese mainland. Myths with conflicting viewpoints have been created. What were the life and career backgrounds of these people? Were they petty-bourgeoisie, as some mainlanders assume? Were the seven figures, as mainland Chinese claim, motivated under communist leadership to organize their association? What were their relations with the Nationalist regime and the Communist Party? This article endeavors to answer these questions based on new primary documents in particular archival material and offers new perspectives on this fascinating episode of modern China. 相似文献
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Peter Chen-main Wang 《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2014,8(2):194-209
Chiang Kai-shek’s faith in Christianity has long been a controversial issue. Some have held that his faith was genuine while others have claimed that it was merely a posture to curry favor with the Americans. Now that the Hoover Institution has released Chiang Kai-shek’s diaries, historians are in a better position to explore this long-ignored part of Chiang’s life. This paper will examine Chiang’s faith as it developed during the Stilwell Incident, the most serious crisis of US–China military cooperation during World War II. While facing American pressure to grant military command to General Joseph W. Stilwell, Chiang reveals in his diaries how he relied on his faith in the Bible, how he interpreted the Bible, and how he applied his understanding of the Bible to his political decision making. An examination of Chiang’s diary during this crisis will help us understand his practical relationship with Christianity, which in turn will provide insight into Chiang’s attitudes and methods in dealing with the Stilwell Incident. 相似文献
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《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(1):11-25
At different times of his life, Chiang Kai-shek entertained three different images of himself: saint, hero and revolutionary guru. The orientation of his reading roughly corresponded with these roles: to be a saint, he emphasized moral learning and self-improvement; to be a hero, he stressed military strategy and politics; and to be the guru for a revolution, he had an enduring interest in the histories of revolutions in other nations. He seldom took an interest in books about knowledge, leisure or entertainment, which had little connection with these three roles. Chiang was closer to a traditional Chinese intellectual than to his predecessor Dr. Sun Yat-sen in his knowledge structure, value orientation and behaviour codes. Although Mao Zedong was as devoted to old Chinese books as Chiang, Mao preferred history and classical literature while Chiang preferred Confucian classics. Mao read old books from a historical materialist point of view, whereas Chiang synthesized “Three Principles of the People” (Sanmin zhuyi) with Confucian doctrines. 相似文献
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《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(1):35-48
After victory in the Anti-Japanese War, Chiang Kai-shek issued the famous radio speech “Letter to Soldiers and Civilians of the Whole Nation as well as the Peoples of the World after the Victory of the Anti-Japanese War.” The main idea of this speech was long interpreted as “returning virtue for malice” (or “good for evil”), a basic principle of the Kuomintang's policy towards Japan. Many scholars who have considered the returning virtue for malice policy in the postwar period include the following major issues: first, China repatriated Japanese prisoners of war and the Japanese diaspora with mercy; second, China allowed the Tenno, or imperial, system to be preserved in Japan; third, China did not participate in the occupation of Japan; and fourth, China gave up the right to ask for war reparations from Japan. This article examines the above four issues to reevaluate the returning virtue for malice policy. The first issue seems to reflect the Chinese national character of being lenient with others. However, it was in fact due to Chiang's anti-Communist strategy and the declared policy of the United States of eradicating Japan's influence in China. With regard to the second issue, Chiang's attitude was merely to let the Japanese people make their own choice, while the fate of the Japanese Tenno system was entirely determined by the US occupation authority, on which Chiang had little influence. The third issue was mainly the outcome of Chiang's focus on domestic political struggle in the postwar era in China. As for war reparations, China actually made efforts to obtain them in the beginning, but had to give up its right eventually. The decision-making process in the Kuomintang government was restrained by American policy and subordinated to Japanese pressure. Thus, it is not persuasive to summarize the basic principle of Kuomintang postwar policy towards Japan as returning virtue for malice. 相似文献
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近年来,开罗会议期间罗斯福指令史迪威清除蒋介石的说法出现于国内许多论著中.本文从罗斯福对华政策、开罗会议期间罗斯福与蒋介石关系、美在华中国通对蒋介石的态度等方面对这一说法进行了辨析,指出开罗会议期间罗斯福指令史迪威干掉蒋介石的说法纯属子虚乌有. 相似文献