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武汉抗战时期蒋介石的战略战术思想 总被引:6,自引:2,他引:6
武汉抗战时期,蒋介石总结南京失守前中国军队对日作战屡遭失利的教训,在国共两党军事要人、外籍军事顾问的影响与推动下,战略战术思想有所变化发展。在战略方面,他主张勿单纯防御而尽力开展进攻,勿死守一地而实行节节抵抗,勿囿于内线而讲究外线牵制。在战术和作战方式方面,他主张以侧击击破日军的锥形突击战术,以纵深配备的阵地战和机动作战对付日军的迂回包抄战术。还主张以运动战、游击战等多种作战方式灵活地与敌作战。因而,其战略方针和战术原则的积极防御的特点较为明显,这是武汉抗战时期我军正面战场取得较大成功的重要因素 相似文献
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1942年2月4日至21日,战时中国最高国防委员会委员长蒋介石在英国驻华大使卡尔陪同下,对印度进行正式友好访问。此时,中国正处在抗战的关键时刻,身为全国最高统帅的蒋介石为什么要访问印度?其间他进行了哪些外交活动?其效果如何?本试图对此作一探讨。 相似文献
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在大陆时期,尤其是抗战期间,蒋介石之党政军兼职甚多。有些著述多从蒋氏喜欢揽权,独裁专制的角度进行分析。原因是否确实如此,颇值得研究。 相似文献
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时光追溯到1942年初,抗日战争由激烈的争夺转入对峙阶段。1940年,日军加紧了对东南亚的侵略,9月,日军侵入越南,切断了中越通道,不仅严重威胁我国国际交通要道——滇缅公路的安全,并且把侵略矛头指向缅甸、马来亚、新家坡等英属殖民地。英国在日本咄咄逼人的进攻下,改变了长久以 相似文献
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当中国开始抗击日本侵略之际,加拿大推行绥靖政策,同时采取一定的战备措施。直到抗战初期,中加两国关系处于低层次水平上。加拿大参战之后,随着中加公使级外交关系的建立,两国的军事合作关系亦得到确立。加方对国民党军队的评价不高,但坚持军事合作,向中国提供对日作战的情报和作战物资援助。中加军事关系与政治关系密切相关,其发展相互对应;军事合作关系的建立和发展,有助于世界反法西斯战争的进行;合作的主要形式和内容是加拿大向中国提供军援;欧德澜的个人作用相当突出;但中加军事合作的影响较为有限。 相似文献
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蒋介石与1936年绥远抗战 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
蒋介石还在华北事变之际,就估计到日军西进的主要目的,是合围苏联,以应对苏作战之需。因此,最初蒋对绥远防御问题尚未给予足够重视.也不认为绥远有全面抵抗日本入侵之可能。随着德王越来越激烈地谋求分裂.加之意识到在日本威逼之下的冀鲁不稳,蒋开始重视绥远问题,故自1936年5月下旬起。蒋即主动布置绥远抗战。7月间,阎锡山和傅作义却因伪蒙军的进犯频繁而频频告急。蒋因两广事变无力北顾,乃告诫阎、傅:此时惟有多置兵力于绥远前线,方有避战之可能。然而,当8月蒋得到消息称,日本军队将不会介入绥远冲突之后.其对绥远危机处置的态度明显改变。他的计划是.侦知其后方司令部与结集所在地,出其不意猛力袭击,再退回原防固守,则匪伪以后必不敢轻来矣。蒋介石的想法未能得到晋绥将领的支持,加之8月24日和9月3日先后发生成都事件和北海事件,日本政府态度顿趋强硬,.军事上自不宜出着。因此他转而指示外交部长张群加紧与日本驻华大使通过谈判解决问题。9—10月间中日南京谈判未能取得缓和的效果,蒋再度考虑在绥远展开攻势,并为此开始调动中央军。最终,傅作义积极支持了蒋的意见,阎锡山等也大体表示服从。11月中旬,傅作义率部取得了百灵庙大捷。蒋急于扩大战果,却遇到阎锡山等人的反对。正在讨论中,忽然传来日本关东军决心干预的公开声明。鉴于进攻时机已失,蒋遂顺水推舟,将绥远战事的决定权交予阎锡山,自己则去了西安。 相似文献
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1944年1月10目,陪都重庆突然格外热闹起来,从两路口到复兴关,沿途张灯结彩,扎了许多牌楼。马路上车辆拥挤,人群熙熙攘攘,国民党中央训练团所在地复兴关更是岗哨林立,彩旗飘扬,笼罩在一片喜庆气氛之中。这一天,既非节又非年,这样隆重热闹,到底是怎么回事呢?原来,这一天正在排演一场向蒋介石“献九鼎”的闹剧。 相似文献
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《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(2):233-246
Mr Chiang Kai-shek is a key historical figure of twentieth century China. The studies of his life and thought have attracted many scholars' attention during his lifetime as well as after his death in 1975. In recent years, along with the opening of the archives of Academia Historica, the Chronological Events (Shilue gaoben), and the Diary of Chiang Kai-shek, once again the topic of Chiang has become a focus among China scholars who study the Republican period. Besides numerous conferences and workshops recently held in Taipei, Beijing, Hangzhou, and other cities in both mainland China and Taiwan, academic circles in America, Europe, and Japan have also held some seminars regarding Chiang Kai-shek. The current overseas studies on Chiang Kai-shek can be divided into two groupings geographically: the Euro–American group and the Japanese group. These two groups, plus those from Taiwan and Mainland China, have formed the four most important academic traditions. In spite of their different views and ideologies, these four are able to influence each other and even to come to similar conclusions. These can be summarized as a more positive image of Chiang whose major achievements include fighting the Japanese in WWII and building a modern China in various ways. This paper, relying on overseas research results, will try to help researchers understand the current situation of studies on Chiang Kai-shek in the world so as to lay a better academic foundation for their own further studies. However, because of all kinds of limitations, this paper will rely mostly on the research achievements of English and Japanese works. Research works in other languages and from other regions will have to wait for later efforts. 相似文献
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《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(1):35-48
After victory in the Anti-Japanese War, Chiang Kai-shek issued the famous radio speech “Letter to Soldiers and Civilians of the Whole Nation as well as the Peoples of the World after the Victory of the Anti-Japanese War.” The main idea of this speech was long interpreted as “returning virtue for malice” (or “good for evil”), a basic principle of the Kuomintang's policy towards Japan. Many scholars who have considered the returning virtue for malice policy in the postwar period include the following major issues: first, China repatriated Japanese prisoners of war and the Japanese diaspora with mercy; second, China allowed the Tenno, or imperial, system to be preserved in Japan; third, China did not participate in the occupation of Japan; and fourth, China gave up the right to ask for war reparations from Japan. This article examines the above four issues to reevaluate the returning virtue for malice policy. The first issue seems to reflect the Chinese national character of being lenient with others. However, it was in fact due to Chiang's anti-Communist strategy and the declared policy of the United States of eradicating Japan's influence in China. With regard to the second issue, Chiang's attitude was merely to let the Japanese people make their own choice, while the fate of the Japanese Tenno system was entirely determined by the US occupation authority, on which Chiang had little influence. The third issue was mainly the outcome of Chiang's focus on domestic political struggle in the postwar era in China. As for war reparations, China actually made efforts to obtain them in the beginning, but had to give up its right eventually. The decision-making process in the Kuomintang government was restrained by American policy and subordinated to Japanese pressure. Thus, it is not persuasive to summarize the basic principle of Kuomintang postwar policy towards Japan as returning virtue for malice. 相似文献
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随着抗战进入尾声,蒋介石对宪政的态度由消极变为积极,而战后的新形势和日益临近的宪政对其政治策略产生了重大影响。政协会议上,蒋对中共和中间势力做出重大让步。政协决议对国民党宪政设计的更改,在国民党内激起轩然大波,蒋发觉事态发展已出乎自己预料之外。国民党六届二中全会上,蒋对宪政的态度暗中转变。在蒋的默许下,国民党虽未公开撕毁政协决议,但政协决议事实上已不能为国民党所执行。会后,蒋介石受党内强硬势力影响,对宪政的态度从温和的积极一变而为强硬的积极。中共态度也随之强硬,最终国共两党在宪政问题上分道扬镳。 相似文献
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许金顶 《华侨华人历史研究》2006,1(3):42-49
从战争对平民伤害的角度来认识战争的本质,有助于理解国际间友好关系对于平民百姓所具有的社会意义。抗战时期,作为普通劳动者的旅日闽侨,因其“敌对国民”身份顿然成为特殊的群体,陷入极端困境,其生命、财产难以保全,身心遭受了双重伤害。他们传统的“一家两地”的生存模式因为战争而被扭曲、中断,承受了巨大的生存压力。本文运用日本警保局编撰的《外事月报》记载的战时旅日闽侨真实生活的若干史料,本着人道主义精神,考察战时旅日闽侨的生存状况,分析其特定条件下的行为与心态,从而为相关的华侨研究提供一些资讯。 相似文献
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试论抗战时期国民政府的粮食供应与配给 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
抗战时期,为了支持抗战,维持军心民心,确保国统区人民生活的基本稳定,国民政府在实施田赋征实的基础上对全国军公民粮实行定量供应和配给。这一战时特殊粮食统制措施的实施,保障了抗战后期军粮民食的供应,稳定了后方社会秩序,成效较为明显,为坚持抗战作出了一定贡献。 相似文献
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钱庄业是传统中国金融机构的代表之一。本文依据日本满铁调查机构1942年对杭州钱庄业的调查资料,重点分析和考查抗战时期杭州钱庄业的基本状况、组织特点和业务领域,指出能够根据外在社会环境变化调整、改革自身是钱庄业得以长期生存发展的根本原因。 相似文献
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从1940年开始到1941年,国民党统治区爆发了一场空前规模的粮食危机.粮食缺乏和粮价高涨是这场危机的主要表现.粮食危机的出现原因主要是由于国统区粮食产量的大量减产、生产成本和销售成本的增加、通货膨胀和投机者囤积居奇所致. 相似文献