‘Playing the Game to the Army’: The Royal Army Medical Corps,Shell Shock and the Great War

Abstract

The utilization and role of female combatants in modern armies is a subject generally fraught with half-truths and misinformation. The mobilization of women in supporting roles during the Second World War is generally well understood, but the German use of women as combatants in the last years of the war raises important issues of women's place in the Nazi state and ideology as well as considerations of gender and military service.     

Something to Compete with ‘Gunsmoke’: ‘The Big Picture’ Television series and selling a ‘modern,progressive and forward thinking’ Army to Cold War America

Airing from 1951 until 1971, ‘The Big Picture’ was the United States Army’s primary means of marketing itself to the U.S. public, particularly between the Korean and Vietnam Wars. Drawing for the first time on archival records concerning the show’s production, this paper documents how information officers sought to escape the stock-footage straightjacket embedded in the show’s origins and showcase an Atomic Age Army standing sentry at the Cold War’s ramparts. Ultimately, they fought dual losing battles against parsimonious budgets and public indifference, while their insistence on content control hampered potential exposure in more appealing prime-time entertainment programmes.     

Review Article: ‘Managing’ Women in War and Peace

UTE DANIEL.The War from Within: German Working-Class Women in the First World War, trans. Margaret Ries. Oxford and New York: Berg, 1997. Pp. xii, 343. $18.50 (us), paper; DEBORAH THOM. Nice Girls and Rude Girls: Women Workers in World War I. London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 1998; dist. New York: St Martin's Press. Pp. xvi, 224. $59.50 (us); FRANCES H. EARLY. A World without War: How US Feminists and Pacifists Resisted World War I. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1997. Pp. xxi, 265. $22.95 (us), paper, LUCY NOAKES. War and the British: Gender, Memory, and National Identity. London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 1998; dist. New York: St Martin's Press. Pp. vi, 218. $59.50 (us); JANE SLAUGHTER. Women and the Italian Resistance, 1943–1945. Denver: Arden Press, 1997. Pp. xx, 171. $22.50 (us), paper; DALIA OFER and LENORE J. WEITZMAN, eds., Women in the Holocaust. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998. Pp. vii, 402. $30.00 (us).     

The Cold War in retrospect: too early to tell?

Rather than looking mainly at how the Cold War started or how it ended, this essay considers what happened in between. Taking into account divergences within the ‘Third World’ of developing nations, the retrospective view leads to the conclusion that the Cold War left most favourable long-term effects in those parts of the world where it had made the greatest impact.     

The New Frontier Meets the White Revolution: The Peace Corps in Iran, 1962‒76

The Peace Corps brought an estimated 1,800 Americans to Iran from 1962 to 1976, coinciding with the unfolding of Mohammad-Reza Shah Pahlavi’s Enqelāb-e Sefid, or White Revolution. This article surveys Peace Corps Iran’s fourteen-year history by dividing it into three distinct moments defined by changing social and political conditions in Iran and shifting US?Iranian relations. Initially, the Peace Corps Iran experiment built on earlier American foreign assistance programs, while coinciding with the roll-out of the White Revolution. Second, during its heyday in the mid-1960s, the Peace Corps inevitably became entangled with the White Revolution’s unfolding, both experiencing a phase of expansion and apparent success. Finally, as Iranian social and political conditions moved toward instability by the 1970s, Peace Corps Iran also seemed to have lost its direction and purpose, which ultimately led to a vote by volunteers to terminate the program. Based on accounts by US Peace Corps volunteers and the Iranians with whom they worked, the Peace Corps Agency, and the US State Department, this article argues that, ultimately, the Peace Corps Iran experience left a more lasting legacy on individuals than institutions.     

A Post-Imperial Cold War Paradox: The Anglo-Nigerian Defence Agreement 1958–62

As the recent and current French military interventions in West Africa have illustrated, France succeeded in establishing long-lasting security relationships with its former colonies during the transfer of power. In Britain’s case, by contrast, decolonisation was largely followed by military withdrawal. This was not, however, for lack of trying. The episode of the Anglo-Nigerian Defence Agreement clearly illustrates that Britain, driven by its global cold war military strategy, wanted to secure its long-term interests in sub-Saharan Africa. The agreement was first welcomed by the Nigerian elite, which was not only anglophile and anti-communist, but also wanted British military assistance for the build-up of its armed forces. Yet, in Nigeria, the defence pact was faced with mounting opposition, and decried as a neo-colonial scheme. Whereas this first allowed the Nigerian leaders to extract strategic, material and financial concessions from Britain, it eventually led to the abrogation of the agreement. Paradoxically, Britain’s cold war grand strategy created not only the need for the agreement, but also to abrogate it. In the increasingly global East-West struggle, the agreement was strategically desirable, but politically counterproductive.     

‘The Danger is Two-Fold’: Decolonisation and Cold War in Anti-Communist Asia, 1955–7

This article examines the intersection between the Cold War and decolonisation in anti-Communist Asia in the 1950s. Drawing on the papers of former South Korean President Syngman Rhee housed at Yonsei University, the article explores both the motivations behind as well as the constraints upon South Korea's efforts to cultivate a military alliance in what it called ‘Free Asia’. Articulating some of the concrete political differences between South Korea and its potential partners in Asia, the article argues that Rhee's hardline views of the Cold War were interwoven with his ambivalence about Japan's reintegration in the post-war world. As a result of this intersection between the Cold War and decolonisation, the South Korean President was unable to achieve consensus with the rest of anti-Communist Asia. In exploring this chapter of South Korean diplomacy, the article calls on Cold War diplomatic history to integrate non-Communist Asia and for the historiography of decolonisation to investigate the legacies of Japan's empire in post-war Asia. It also suggests that scholars ought to reflect more deeply on the interrelationship between the Cold War and decolonisation.     

‘Invisible Government’ and Intelligence Crusaders: Three Cold War Espionage Biographies

Peter Grose, Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1994. 641 pp. $51.00 (cloth).

Oleg Kalugin, Spy Master: My 32 Years in Intelligence and Espionage Against the West. London: Smith Gryphon, 1995. 375 pp. $19.95 (paper).

Oleg Gordievsky, Next Stop Execution. London: Macmillan, 1995. 404 pp. No price given.     

The ‘Most Distinguished Envoy of Peace’: Averell Harriman and the Vietnam War in the Johnson Years

From 1965 to 1969 the eminent diplomat Averell Harriman was at the forefront of US efforts to achieve a negotiated peace in Vietnam, pursuing numerous initiatives with vigour. He grew frustrated and embittered at how, in his view, President Johnson and his advisers were responsible for missing a number of opportunities for peace. However, recent research indicates that Communist attitudes were at least as much a sticking point. Harriman was also keen to enlist Soviet assistance, but it has become clear that Moscow was ambivalent towards engaging wholeheartedly with the peace effort. The article provides a fresh perspective on Harriman's attempts to bring peace in Vietnam, not least through the use of recent research in Communist archives.