Autobiography and Hagiography in Byzantium

This article explores the interaction between hagiography and autobiography in Byzantine literature. As the most productive narrative genre, hagiography influenced the structure and content of autobiographical accounts. On the other hand, for some vitae the protagonist's autobiographical account constituted the primary written source. A hagiographical work, again, may have a highly autobiographical character insofar as the author refers to himself as the saint's associate who eye-witnessed the saint's exploits. In many cases the hagiograph's autobiographical remarks are sprinkled over the whole narrative. Other authors present the life, or part of it, in a separate section, located usually toward the end of the text. The present study also points to common features in hagiographical autobiography and other forms of autobiographical writing, that constitute the conventions of a standardized way of written self-representation in Byzantium.     

Cases of stroke on the throne of Byzantium

The authors describe the fatal illnesses of three Byzantine emperors, Alexander, Michael IX Palaeologus and Manuel II Palaeologus, who may have died of a stroke. From the texts of Byzantine historians and the indications of chroniclers, it was found that Alexander died of a stroke (possibly cerebral hemorrhage); Michael IX Palaeologus died of what seems to have been the same disease and the the last of these emperors, Manuel II Palaeologus, of hemiplegia. This paper provides the opportunity to see how the non-medical texts of historians and chroniclers adopt and express the scientific Byzantine terminology of the medical writers of the period, which is used differently today.     

Colonial conquests and the politics of normalization: The case of the Golan Heights and Northern Cyprus

The space of exception has been extensively discussed as a location in which governing technologies are deployed through the suspension and manipulation of the norm. The scholarship on the subject has underscored the ways in which various localities can be encamped, which alludes to the dynamic in which spaces of exception can be shaped through the application of various means of sovereign violence that produces new and unpredictable norms. Building on this literature, the article analyzes the ways in which the exception is intentionally used in order to spatially construct the norm. Two case studies are discussed: Israel's occupation of the Golan Heights and the Turkish occupation of Northern Cyprus. The article's main aim is to show how the state of emergency, which provided the justification for deploying exceptional means—occupation and subsequent colonization—was domesticated. By domestication I mean a situation whereby the state of emergency is not fully negated, but rather rearticulated and redeployed in order to reshape the space and transform it so that it is concomitantly both threatening and normal. I go on to show, however, how despite the processes of spatial normalization the state of exception always resurfaces.     

Qualifying Mediterranean connectivity: Byzantium and the Franks during the seventh century

In the last two decades, historians researching the seventh century ce have increasingly emphasized mobility, communications and connectivity across the Mediterranean world that supposedly included close contacts between the Franks and Byzantium. These studies, however, rely often on optimistic, maximum interpretations of the comparatively sparse source base, and have not always precisely distinguished between different forms of mobility and connectivity. This article argues that a closer examination of the actual cultural and political consequences of mobility and contact between Byzantium and Gaul is required, and that the possibility of discontinuity and disintegration should not be disregarded. In our reading of the sources, we deliberately adopt a sceptical, methodologically cautious minimal position: the textual sources can be interpreted as showing that, while individual, sporadic contacts across the Mediterranean continued to exist, there was no established, continuous practice of communications between Byzantium and Gaul.     

Russia and the Islamic World

This article offers a historical retrospective of the interactions between Russia and the Islamic world in all their diversity, beginning from the first trade contacts of Medieval Rus with the Arabs and Persians of the Abbasid era, as well as with the Turkic-speaking residents of Volga Bulgaria. The author concludes that except for the initial sporadic period, the connections between Russian and Muslim worlds have been stable and close throughout all the following periods. Moreover, with time, these two civilizational communities turned into communicating vessels because of the growing number of Muslims within the Russian State and in Russian society. Special attention is paid to Russian-Turkish relations across several centuries. A complete comprehension of the relations between Russia and the Islamic world through an example of the historical retrospective of Russian interactions with the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey helps to provide a full appreciation of the importance of joint efforts to secure a bridge connecting East and West and the oriental civilizations with Russia.     

The agrarian history of Byzantium,from the origins to the twelfth century. The sources and problems

The relationship between conquerors and conquered in the Latin Empire of Constantinople has traditionally been understood as a relentlessly hostile one, particularly on the religious level. Whatever its merits, the dominance of this view has sometimes resulted in the gross misinterpretation of important pieces of evidence. This article examines two unusual liturgical texts that were treated by their discoverers as products of a Latin campaign of liturgical proselytism. The texts themselves are bilingual presentations of the Western rite of mass, with Greek and Latin text presented in an interlinear format. Most unusually, the Latin text is written in Greek characters. This article makes the case, due to internal evidence as well as the broader context of ecclesiastical relations in the Latin Empire, that these texts were created by Greek clerics rather than by Latin authorities, and that their purpose was entirely different from that imagined by their discoverers.     

Radical changes in Islamic glass technology: evidence for conservatism and experimentation with new glass recipes from early and middle Islamic Raqqa,Syria*

The chemical analysis of excavated glass fragments from dated archaeological contexts in Raqqa, Syria, has provided a detailed picture of the chemical compositions of artefacts deriving from eighth to ninth and 11th century glassmaking and glassworking activities. Evidence for primary glass production has been found at three excavated sites, of eighth to ninth, 11th and 12th century dates; the first two are discussed here. The 2 km long industrial complex at al‐Raqqa was associated with an urban landscape consisting of two Islamic cities (al‐Raqqa and al‐Rafika) and a series of palace complexes. The glass fused and worked there was presumably for local as well as for regional consumption. Al‐Raqqa currently appears to have produced the earliest well‐dated production on record in the Middle East of an Islamic high‐magnesia glass based on an alkaline plant ash flux and quartz. An eighth to ninth century late ‘Roman’/Byzantine soda–lime recipe of natron and sand begins to be replaced in the eighth to ninth century by a plant ash – quartz Islamic soda–lime composition. By the 11th century, this process was nearly complete. The early Islamic natron glass compositional group from al‐Raqqa shows very little spread in values, indicating a repeatedly well‐controlled process with the use of chemically homogeneous raw materials. A compositionally more diffuse range of eighth to ninth century plant ash glass compositions have been identified. One is not only distinct from established groups of plant ash and natron glasses, but is believed to be the result of experimentation with new raw material combinations. Compositional analysis of primary production waste including furnace glass (raw glass adhering to furnace brick) shows that contemporary glasses of three distinct plant ash types based on various combinations of plant ash, quartz and sand were being made in al‐Raqqa during the late eighth to ninth centuries. This is a uniquely wide compositional range from an ancient glass production site, offering new insights into the complexity of Islamic glass technology at a time of change and innovation.