“三个代表”与“社会主义本质论”的一致性——纪念邓小平在武昌、深圳、珠海、上海等地的谈话发表十周年

本通过阐述江泽民关于“三个代表”的重要思想与邓小平社会主义本质论的一致性,进而阐述了“三个代表”的重要思想对把我们党建设成为社会主义事业的领导核心所具有的重要理论指导意义。     

迈锡尼文明、“黑暗时代”与希腊城邦的兴起

关于早期希腊国家的兴起,主流观点认为,迈锡尼文明衰亡后经历了一个黑暗时期,之后城邦于公元前8世纪中期遽然兴起,两者之间存在着明显的中断。这一观点为古典学界普遍接受,成为诸多研究的出发点。本文意在重新审视这一说法,提出西方学者之所以强调两者之间的中断,是因为西方社会的价值观念起了作用。城邦文明历来被看成是现代西方文明的源头,因此它必须同被认为带有专制王权色彩的迈锡尼文明区分开来。然而这样的解释忽略了迈锡尼文明和希腊城邦文明之间的诸多联系,而且考古学证据表明所谓"黑暗时代"亦非通常认为的那般黑暗,希腊人群体的活动在一定程度上得以延续。还有,荷马史诗所反映的历史面貌更可能是公元前8世纪以前而非此后的情形。由此本文认为,更为合理的解释是把城邦兴起看成是迈锡尼王国解体之后希腊社会渐次演化的结果,而非所谓革命性变革的结果。荷马史诗所描绘的情形很可能是迈锡尼文明和城邦文明之间的中间环节。     

试论和谐的民族关系与社会主义和谐社会的构建

民族关系是一种社会关系,是民族生存和发展过程中相关民族之间的相互交往、联系、作用、影响的关系。我国是由56个民族组成的大家庭,民族关系的和谐发展直接关系到国家与社会的稳定与发展,并对社会主义和谐社会的构建具有重要的意义。我们要努力建设和谐的民族关系,构建社会主义和谐社会。     

对"崛起"问题的理性思考

“和平崛起”是中国人民的愿望．也是中国政府向世人的庄重承诺。然而,由于国际社会对中国近年来发展态势的敏感反映及鼓噪“中国威胁论”等所致负面影响,在“崛起”问题上,我们应持较为谨慎的态度,理性对待“崛起”问题,努力为国内现代化建设和改革开放事业营造相对安全、稳定和友好的国际周边环境。     

中国"儒家社会主义"论析

“儒家社会主义”在中国思想史上占有重要一席,与西欧和俄国的空想社会主义相比,诞生时间早、经历时间长,对古今中国的影响恒久深远。儒家社会主义理论包括其高端纲领——大同社会论,及其低端纲领——小康社会论。“儒家社会主义”是宝贵的民族精神遗产,既有其理想的光辉,又有其空想的色彩。历史证明,惟有科学社会主义与和谐进步的科学发展理论方为当代中国践行必胜的思想道路。     

“社会改造”思潮的兴起与20世纪的中国历史学

随着近代资本主义在中国的发展,以市场为纽带的生产联系、产品交换日益加强。在此基础上形成的超出任何个人、家庭和个体生产单位的“社会”问题日益凸现,富国强兵、救亡图存不再是任何局部变革的问题,社会作为一个相互联系的有机整体,其全面改造和社会转型,成为挽救中华民族的惟一出路,“社会改造”思潮蓬勃兴起。社会思潮的转变必然导致学术思潮的呼应,     

Unmasking Britannia: The Rise and Fall of British National Identity

Abstract. British national identity is a supranational identity deriving from an imperial past. Warfare created Britain in the eighteenth century, and at first glance mass war in the twentieth century seemed to reinforce it. War, however, was a twoedged sword. On the one hand, it dominated the lives of Britons between 1900 and 1945, yet war and its social-political demands weakened the fabric of the British state which was designed to be a nation-state, rather a state-nation. The more it demanded loyalty to its national icons, the more it became clear that these were not ‘national’ at ail. In many ways war forged state and nation but in a way that has led to its possible break-up.     

从《国货周刊》解析“国货年运动”

近代国货运动阶段性明显,呈现由低级到高级渐次发展的趋势。学界偏重对整体中的某一侧面进行考察,纵向比较分析虽偶有着墨,但都比较笼统,史料也欠详实。《国货周刊》与30年代的国货年运动相始终,集中反映了这次运动的历程与特点。从中可以看出,国货年运动是近代国货运动的最高峰,无论是组织领导的严密性、宣传形式的多样性,还是社会参与的广泛性、运动开展的深入性等方面都远远超出以往的任何一次。     

“草根”电影的崛起——简析电影《高兴》的成功之处

改编自贾平凹同名小说的2009年贺岁电影《高兴》上映后褒贬不一,主要是因为电影和原著截然不同的叙事风格和手法。导演将影片定位为大众喜剧的模式,在保证票房的同时,通过情景细节的细腻设计,人物命运的独到安排和歌舞、民俗的巧妙融合,以幽默的方式体现了"草根"人物艰辛的生存状态,以一种悲喜剧的形式给欢笑后的人们留下思考。     

Quantitative Studies of National Socialism: A Quantum: Conference Report

The authors present and compare new time series for calculating the real value of Swiss prices over the past five centuries. They analyze three different modes of price deflation using wages, consumer price indices (CPIs), and the gross domestic product (GDP), and assess the merits and limitations of each approach. The authors then examine how time series that cover long periods of time are made using Switzerland as a case study and introduce an original CPI for the years 1501-2006. The authors conclude by contrasting the different time series and proposing rough guidelines about their use.     

美国“地区研究”兴起的历史考察

太平洋战争爆发后,特别是冷战初期,美国联邦政府、三大私人基金会以及相当一部分学者逐渐意识到深入了解非西方世界对维护国家安全的重要性,着手共同推动"地区研究"。联邦政府、私人基金会和学者三位一体体制运作的结果是复杂的:地区研究在迅速成长为一门显学的同时也不可避免地在很大程度上沦为政治的附庸;在满足了国家对地区专家和知识需求的同时也为一些地区研究者挑战美国对非西方世界的政策创造了条件。就美国地区研究兴起与国家安全考虑的密切关系而言,政治没有给学术留出太多独立生存的空间,而知识分子本身也并非都希望远离政治,学术与政治难以彻底分离。     

The German Secret State Police in Spain: Extending the Reach of National Socialism

Germany encroached in Spain's internal affairs that followed providing military support the Spanish Civil War in the interest of pursuing National Socialist objectives through the establishment of an extensive apparatus of National Socialist organisations in Spain, including the Gestapo. Cooperation was officially established between Spanish and German police on 25 November 1937, which was extended to the Spanish political police on 31 July 1938, when they entered into a secret agreement with the German Gestapo for mutual assistance. The Gestapo trained the Spanish ordinary police and political police to contribute to maintaining the Franco regime in control of Spain, just as the Gestapo in Germany was charged with investigating and suppressing all forms of anti-state tendencies, and exported its methods and proceedings to Spain under the guise of contributing to the struggle against the alleged danger of worldwide communism. In addition to cooperation with Spanish police on suppressing dissent against the Franco regime, other functions related to serving the interests of National Socialist Germany, which deployed the Gestapo for various purposes while Spain constituted an extension of National Socialist Germany's sphere of influence. This was ensured through the Gestapo maintaining a presence in Spain until 1945.     

加强国史研究,为建设有中国特色的社会主义服务--纪念中国共产党成立80周年和《历史决议》发表20周年

此文概述了国史作为一门新兴学科,在十一届三中全会后正式登上学术舞台的过程;澄清了对国史学科存在必要性及其特点的模糊认识;强调了国史研究要发扬中国史学经世致用、资治教化的传统,自觉地为建设有中国特色的社会主义事业服务;同时提出了为加强国史学自身的学科建设,要处理好党性和科学性,占有史料和掌握马克思主义的立场、观点、方法,研究历史问题和关注现实问题,继承史学传统和借鉴新的史学观念与方法的关系.     

From Propaganda to Modernization: Media Policy and Media Audiences under National Socialism

To date, historians have worked on the assumption that NationalSocialism used the media to powerful propaganda effect. Yetat an early stage a few voices, especially within Anglo-Saxonscholarship, questioned whether the process was so direct. Increasinglythe individual media have been examined, both technically andin terms of their public the reactions they provoked. This essayexamines how the media can be said to have modernized underNational Socialism, and how newspaper readers, radio listenersand cinema audiences reacted to the development of the media.There were major differences. Radio was conceived as a mediumfor music and entertainment; new formats were developed in responseto listeners turning to programmes from abroad, so that Germanradio could no longer keep a monopoly on information. The majorityof feature films were melodramas and light entertainment, andalthough many carried a ‘message’, the cinema wasfundamentally a commercial, non-political sphere. Newspapersremained relatively conservative in presentation. The presswas largely concentrated in the hands of the party, so informationwas highly controlled, and due to difficulties of productionin wartime they became increasingly unattractive, and by 1942were trusted by few readers. The corpus of the media generallybecame technically more efficient, and sought to please itsgrowing audience. Total control of the media by the politicalleaders was not achieved. Particular elements, such as war films,or the ‘Wehrmacht Request Show’, had memorable success.Agenda setting by the media planners put certain key politicalideas into the forefront, and they were able to disseminatekey symbols and rituals of National Socialism. The media werebut one of many agents used, though, to foster political loyalty.The régime also, and more importantly, achieved thisby using existing attitudes, and through its permanent threatof violence towards the population, whom they also seduced withmaterial ‘treats’. It emerges that it is both possibleand helpful in studying the development of the media to examineit as a process of modernization in the media, in their organizationaland technical structures. This process was however underminedwherever in German society anti-modernist ideology and practicespersisted or fought back.     

歪曲历史的“国民运动”

日本“新历史教科书编纂会”在将其编写的预定于2002年使用的初中教科书交付部省审定之前,特别编写了《国民的历史》一书作为教科书的宣传。该对“编纂会”人为地制造《国民的历史》的“畅销”以及为此煽动国民运动的缘起、经过、现状和所谓“国民运动”的本质等进行了披露和分析。《国民的历史》一书对日本年轻一代历史观形成所产生的消极作用和对日本与周边国家的和平的危害是严重的。但是,编纂会所从事的逆历史而动的运动前途是渺茫的,其违背民意的举动必将受到严厉的批判。章还同时介绍了与编纂会做斗争的进步运动及组织,号召进步的有识之士坚决抵制在教科书问题上的逆流。