'A milestone in the history of the EU': Kosovo and the EU's international role

The Kosovo war was a decisive catalyst in the development of the EU's international security role. The escalating crisis in Kosovo confirmed that the EU was still unable to prevent, contain or end violent conflict along its own borders. This led the EU to augment both its hard and soft power through the launch of the European Security and Defence Policy and the Stabilisation and Association Process. These initiatives endowed the EU with the potential to make a distinct contribution to international conflict management. Unsurprisingly, this continuing transformation has encountered significant obstacles relating to capabilities, political will and coordination. Concerns have also been raised about how the development of a military dimension has changed the nature of EU power. However, the EU has not abandoned the core principle upon which its international role was founded, namely the need to transcend conflict. Ten years after its failings in Kosovo, the EU is assuming increasing responsibility for conflict management and becoming a more capable international security actor.     

'A Choice of Nightmares': Narration and desire in Heart of Darkness

This paper considers the gendered organisation of narration in Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness. It is argued that the text fictionalises its audience as an exclusively masculine community of readers, bounded together by shared interests and commitments. The discursive construction of preferred reading positions is critically examined with reference to the mobilisation of discourses of cannibalism and representations of femininity in the text. It is argued that positive evaluations of the text, as a critique of imperialism or a commentary on the human condition, are problematised by consideration of the gender values inscribed in the texture of the narrative.     

Archaeocyaths from Yorke Peninsula,South Australia and archaeocyathan Early Cambrian zonation

Zhuravlev, A. Yu., & Gravestock, D. I., 1994:03:28. Archaeayaths from Yorke Peninsula, South Australia and archaeocyathan Early Cambrian zonation. Alcheringa 18, 1–54. ISSN 0311-5518.

Two assemblages of archaeocyaths are documented from Lower Cambrian outcrops and drillholes on Yorke Peninsula. South Australia. The older assemblage (11 species) occurs in the uppermost Kulpara Formation and conformably overlying basal Parara Limestone, and is equivalent to Lower Faunal Assemblage II in the Flinders Ranges. The younger assemblage (28 species plus Acanthhcyathus and Rodiocyathus) occurs in the Koolywurtie Member near the top of the Parara Limestone. Equivalent taxa are widespread in the Flinders Ranges, western New South Wales and Antarctica. Archaeocyathan distribution is now sufficiently well known to propose three assemblage zones and two informal assemblages for regional correlation. No new taxa have been added, but Erugatocyathus scutatus (Hill) and Pycnoidocyathus latiloculatus (Hill), hitherto known only from Antarctica, are found in the upper assemblage on Yorke Peninsula. Irregular archaeocyathan systematics are discussed, the ontogeny of Archaeopharetra irregularis (Tylor) clarified, and Kruseicnema Debrenne. Gravestock & Zhuravlev, represented by K. gracilis (Gordon), is fully described.     

'A Matter of Regret': Britain, the 1983 Grendada Crisis, and the Special Relationship

When the USA launched a military intervention in Grenada inOctober 1983 it was against the wishes of its closest ally,Britain, who felt deliberately misled as to Washington's intentions.As a former British colony and member of the Commonwealth, withthe Queen as Head of State, Grenada remained of interest toBritain. This article will provide a detailed analysis of Anglo-Grenadianrelations and the events and contacts between the USA and Britainduring and after the 1983 crisis and assess the role of the‘special relationship’ in shaping Britain's reactionto the intervention. I conclude that the conventional wisdomthat Britain was ‘in the dark’ about what was happeningis not entirely accurate. ^*The views expressed in this article represent those of theauthor alone.     

'A question of loyalty': mussolinismo and the collapse of the Italian Fascist regime in 1943

The view of a largely monolithic, 'totalitarian' regime and society in Fascist Italy (which still carries a lot of conviction with an influential group of historians) has been challenged from a number of different viewpoints. The common denominator of this sceptical approach is that, in spite of whatever ideological intentions the Fascist leadership or movement had vis-à-vis the totalitarian transformation of Italian society, the regime failed in establishing deep,enduring structures of social control and active consensus. This article focuses on the Italian regime's (abortive) attempt to substitute the traditional web of allegiances which operated in Italian society with a new, unitary sense of loyalty to Fascism. The main problem identified here is what we may call mussolinismo – the growing tendency of the system to rely on Mussolini's personal decisions and initiatives, often in contradiction to the initial spirit of Fascism or to the views of prominent Fascist figures (Bottai, Balbo, Grandi, etc.). But the article also explores the reasons behind the apparent inability of the dissidents within the Fascist hierarchy to contemplate active opposition to Mussolini – something that happened only on the eleventh hour, in July 1943. Through examining the (often critical) views of important Fascist figures about the regime's political direction (nature of the regime, Axis alliance, etc.), a more complex sense of loyalty to the Duce personally emerges – a form of loyalty that remained non-rational and essentially tautological to the notion of loyalty to Fascism itself. This explains why, in the dramatic July 1943 Grand Council meeting, the vote against Mussolini could for the first time be contemplated in the face of total Fascist collapse as an act of repudiating Fascism as a whole. L'idea di che esistesse una coesione monolitico 'totalitaria' tra regime e società nell'Italia fascista (la quale è ancora di gran lunga diffusa in un gruppo influente di storici) è stata critica da diversi punti di vista. Il comune denominatore di un tale scettico è che, rispetto a qualsiasi motivazione ideologica che la classe dirigente fascista o il movimento stesso ebbe nel tentativo di trasformare la società italiana secondo un indirizzo totalitario, il regime fallì nel costruire strutture radicate e durevoli per ottenere il controllo sulla società ed ottenerne il dovuto consenso. Questo articolo è finalizzato all'analisi del tentativo fallimentare del regime fascista di sostituire la rete tradizionale di legami culturali e sociali esistente nel Paese con un sentimento nuovo ed unitario di lealtà verso il Fascismo. L'aspetto principale che viene posto in evidenza è quello che potremmo definire come mussolinismo , ossia, la tendenza crescente da parte del regime di dipendere sulle decisioni ed iniziative personali di Mussolini, spesso in contrasto con lo spirito ideologico iniziale del Fascismo, o perfino con le concezioni politiche di altri esponenti del regime (Bottai, Balbo, Grandi). L'articolo, inoltre, esplora le ragioni, al di là di una apparente incapacità, da parte dei dissidenti all'interno della gerarchia fascista ad intraprendere una opposizione attiva ai danni di Mussolini - un'opposizione che divenne realtà solo all'ultima ora, nel luglio del 1943. Attraverso un esame (spesso critico) delle visioni e prospettive che esponenti fascisti di primo piano ebbero sulla direzione politica del regime (natura del regime, partecipazione nell'Asse, etc.), emerge un sentimento di lealtà verso il Duce di gran lunga più complesso di quello che ci si potrebbe aspettare, e della natura prevalentemente personale - in breve, una forma di lealtà che rimase non razionale ed essenzialmente tautologica alla nozione di lealtà al Fascismo stesso. Tutto questo spiega perché, durante la drammatica riunione del Gran Consiglio del Fascismo del luglio 1943, il voto contro Mussolini poteva essere concepito, nel contesto del collasso generale del regime, come un atto di ripudio totale verso il Fascismo.     

Conservative intellectuals and feminism: The Australian case

This article discusses conservative intellectual attitudes to feminism, with reference to the journal Quadrant. It is argued that a conspicuous failure to seriously address the issues raised by feminist writers is both short‐sighted and self‐defeating, since such issues are not as compartmentalized as Australian conservative intellectuals appear to think. Contrasting attitudes to feminism are explored with reference to the respective approaches of conservative writers, John Carroll and Ronald Conway. While this comparison reveals that it is possible for conservatism and feminism to co‐exist, it is shown that Conway is almost alone among Quadrant intellectuals in appreciating this.     

Managers and Agents: Conservative Party Organisation in the 1850s*

During the 1850s in the wake of the calamitous Peelite split, Britain's Conservative Party struggled to rebuild its numbers in the house of commons. The structure of the party's electoral organisation is well known‐parliamentary leaders, election managers such as Sir William Jolliffe and Philip Rose, plus local constituency based agents. Jolliffe's and Rose's 1859 election notebooks help understand this, but they also reveal serious gaps in the Conservatives' information networks. This article delineates the electoral activities of Sir John Yarde Buller (first Baron Churston) and his ally Samuel Triscott, who supplemented the spasmodic flow of information from small boroughs in at least two counties. Mid‐level or second‐tier managers, to whom no attention has previously been given, assisted the Conservatives in their gradual electoral recovery. Their roles also suggest that the party's organization may have been more complex than previously believed.     

Industrial Policy: Conservative, Liberal and Radical Views

Books reviewed in this articles:
Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison, The Deindustrialization of America
Executive Office of the President, Office of Management and Budget, Fiscal 1982 Budget Revisions
Ira C. Magaziner and Robert B. Reich, Minding America's Business; The Decline and Rise of the American Economy
Robert B. Reich, The Next American Frontier     

Landowners and urban development: the Ramsden Estate and nineteenth-century Huddersfield

Decisions taken by a dominant landowner had different effects at different times on the changing housing market in Huddersfield. During the early stages of urban growth the Ramsden Estate held a virtual monopoly in land, but failed to exercise its power to control building. Corruption by local agents led to the establishment of tenancy at will, an unusual system of land tenure, which encouraged the development of a very small-scale building industry. Changes in ownership in the 1840s were followed by stiff measures to control the character of building including the prohibition of back-to-back houses. By the second half of the century, competition between landowners increased and the Ramsden Estate was unable to attract large numbers of builders, forcing it eventually to provide land on terms they dictated.     

The Foreign Secretary Goes to Court: John Simon and his Critics

In January 1935, Sir John Simon won an action for slander againsta Methodist minister from Norfolk who had accused the ForeignSecretary of attacking the Peace Ballot because it would damagehis financial interests in the armaments business. The casewas the culmination of more than two years of rumours and allegationsagainst Simon. The charge made by the Revd J. W. Bond againstthe Foreign Secretary was entirely without foundation, but invoicing his belief that the private manufacture of armamentswas damaging to the cause of disarmament, he was expressinga view that was widely held both in his own Church and amongthe wider peace movement. The Methodist Church was deeply dividedover international questions in the 1930s. Simon, for his part,took legal action against Bond both because he was weary ofthe allegations against him and in the hope of protecting hisreputation as Foreign Secretary, which had long been under attackboth in the press and in Parliament.