Visions/versions of the war: Ramón Pérez de Ayala and Juan Pujol on the Italian front

In 1915, the Spanish journalist Juan Pujol visited the Italian front. His reports appeared in ABC, and were later incorporated in his book In Galitzia and the Isonzo (1916). A few months later, the Spanish writer Ramón Pérez de Ayala visited the same territories. His reports appeared in El Imparcial (Madrid) and La Prensa (Buenos Aires), and were later published in his book Herman in Chains (1917). The poetics evident in the reports of both writers were clearly different, not only for ideological reasons (Juan Pujol supported the Central Empires; Pérez de Ayala favored the Allies), but also for discursive reasons: the reflexive and digressive culturalism of Pérez de Ayala, for example, contrasted vividly with the direct narrative of Juan Pujol. However, since both writers shared some stereotypes about war and used a common repertoire of rhetorical and stylistic strategies, there are significant similarities between their texts.     

Ethnurgy,mobilisation, memory and trauma in consociational systems

I intend to study three characteristics of deeply divided societies that hinder consociationalism: ethnurgy (politicisation of ethnic identities), mobilisation, memory and trauma. My argument is that consociational practices may be hampered by non‐structural elements, which is a break‐away from the classical study of consociationalism which focuses on institutional functions and external actors. By studying consociationalism from this new dimension, I intend to show that internal factors are critical in understanding the threats and pressure of any consociational arrangement, in an attempt to create better power sharing arrangements and/or improve the existing consociational provisions in deeply divided societies.     

战犯问题与国共和谈

在国共两党战略决战阶段,中国共产党灵活地运用了战犯问题.无论是战犯名单的公布、严惩战犯原则的提出,还是北平和谈中关于这一原则的灵活执行及对桂系的争取,都是为了击破国民党政府的"和谈"攻势及企图,明确战争责任,将革命进行到底.     

中共中央对战后中国和、战问题的盱衡与抉择

随着全面抗战胜利的到来,国内阶级关系发生了重大变化,以蒋介石集团为代表的大地主、大资产阶级同以中国共产党为代表的人民大众之间的矛盾,上升为中国社会的主要矛盾。和平与战争,民主与独裁两种力量的斗争,成为战后国内政治的显著特点。依据中国共产党七大对战后国际国内形势的科学分析,中共中央高举“和平、民主、团结”的旗帜,确定了和平建国的战略方针,极力推进和平建国构想的实施。中国共产党通过自己追求和平、民主的真诚努力,揭破了国民党蒋介石内战独裁的真实面目,极大地团结和教育了全国人民,从而把政治主动权牢牢掌握在自己手里,为最终用战争手段解决问题准备了必要条件。如果没有争取和平建国的斗争,也就没有广大人民群众的广泛觉悟和国民党的彻底孤立。     

Standing Upon a Volcano: Cincinnati’s Newspapers Debate Emancipation, 1860–1862

Newspaper editors in Cincinnati saw the abolition question on a spectrum before President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in September 1862. Most favored some form of confiscation of Confederate slaves for use in the Union war effort; some favored emancipation of slaves as a means to weaken the Confederacy; but almost all vociferously opposed any idea that unrestrained black freedom might be an outcome of the Civil War. While it appears to historians that there was an “inexorable logic” in the development of Union war aims, it is clear from the point of view of Cincinnati that the inexorability of that logic was heavily contested.     

Disruptive marginality: The representation of wildness in Lope de Vega’s Baroque dramatic art

Abstract

The theatrical production of Baroque Iberia exhibits an obsession with wildness that remains to be fully explored. By the time Segismundo takes the stage dressed in animal pelts in Calderón’s La vida es sueño, the wild figure had already enjoyed a long history on the Spanish stage, first appearing in Lope de Vega’s El nacimiento de Ursón y Valentín in 1588. Enduring popularity until Bances Candamo’s 1693 comedia, La piedra filosofal, this steady preoccupation with the concept of wildness offers unique insights on the evolving landscape of Baroque ideologies over time, which are rarely considered diachronically. Dramatic representations of wildness signify the transgression of a prescribed norm—be it social, political, racial, or otherwise—which leads to its necessary elimination to resolve the conflict of a given play. In this article, I will plot the trajectory of dramatic conventions in their diminishing ability to resolve the recurring problem of wildness, thus offering a literary history of the comedia’s social efficacy as it struggled to sustain the weight of its own ideological commitments. Furthermore, I will examine the implications of my approach on longstanding debates on the ideological function of Baroque Iberian drama by analyzing the theoretical problem inherent in the existence of the marginal terrain wildness inhabits. My approach considers who stands to benefit from social order and those who, like the wild figure, find themselves excluded. At a time of renewed energy for exclusionary ideologies, aspirations of encompassing the marginalized are as important today as they were in 1588.     

历组一类卜辞研究

本文对历组一类卜辞的特点,历组卜辞中的祭祀、诸妇、军事活动等内容作了论述。     

对冷战后局部战争的地缘政治思考

冷战后,随着苏联的解体,世界格局保持了近半个世纪的力量均势失衡,造成了局部地区的力量真空和失衡。美国则依靠其唯一的大国优势,在\"维护正义\"、\"保护人权\"的幌子下到处发动或参加海外局部战争,使得世界并没有因冷战结束而进入人们所企盼的和平发展时代。从1991年海湾战争至今的12年中,全球发生了几十次局部战争,对世界格局产生着重大的影响。本文仅从冷战后发生的四次大规模局部战争的地缘政治背景分析,来探讨在新的世界格局和新的地缘环境中,我国的地缘政治形势和维护国家安全利益的对策。     

Southern rebels against Italian unification: the Great Brigandage in the province of Capitanata

This article explores counter-revolutionary brigandage in Southern Italy after 1860 (also known as Great Brigandage). Working from archival sources, the article offers a new interpretation of the interactions between the political, social and criminal aspects of the guerrilla war against the Risorgimento. Notwithstanding the plurality of the individual motives leading single actors to fight, it is argued that brigandage was an essentially political phenomenon and that the alliances between common bandits and loyalist forces were made possible only in the macro-political setting of the collapse of the Neapolitan monarchy, the difficulties facing Italian state-building, and the emergence of popular legitimist sympathies after 1860.     

Partisan identity in the French civil war, 1405–1418: reconsidering the evidence on livery badges

This article examines the efficiency with which John the Fearless used his personal badges during his conflict with Louis of Orleans and the Armagnacs, and questions current thinking on the relationship between the emblems of both parties. As early as 1405, he began distributing emblems that corresponded directly to his ideology: first the carpenter's plane, and from 1410 onwards, his mason's level, two symbols that were representative of his platform for reform. In August 1411, his urban supporters in Paris and elsewhere began wearing crosses of St Andrew, his patron saint, as a means of identifying themselves as Burgundian partisans. This study argues that in making a conscious decision to link his symbols to his ideology, and in making them available to his vassals and urban supporters alike, John the Fearless forged a strong Burgundian community that transcended social barriers. In so doing, he also manufactured an Armagnac anti-community, a tangible entity against which his partisans' animosity was directed from 1411 onwards. As badges of allegiance, the symbols helped fuel a war that had, thus far, remained a private conflict between the princely houses of Burgundy and Orleans.     

Partisan identity in the French civil war, 1405–1418: reconsidering the evidence on livery badges

This article examines the efficiency with which John the Fearless used his personal badges during his conflict with Louis of Orleans and the Armagnacs, and questions current thinking on the relationship between the emblems of both parties. As early as 1405, he began distributing emblems that corresponded directly to his ideology: first the carpenter's plane, and from 1410 onwards, his mason's level, two symbols that were representative of his platform for reform. In August 1411, his urban supporters in Paris and elsewhere began wearing crosses of St Andrew, his patron saint, as a means of identifying themselves as Burgundian partisans. This study argues that in making a conscious decision to link his symbols to his ideology, and in making them available to his vassals and urban supporters alike, John the Fearless forged a strong Burgundian community that transcended social barriers. In so doing, he also manufactured an Armagnac anti-community, a tangible entity against which his partisans' animosity was directed from 1411 onwards. As badges of allegiance, the symbols helped fuel a war that had, thus far, remained a private conflict between the princely houses of Burgundy and Orleans.