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1.
This paper presents a quantification method for archaeological molluscs using fragmentation categories. By employing the data from nine prehistoric sites (13 000 to 5000 bp ; 15 700 to 5700 cal bp ) in Cantabrian Spain (northern Spain), it has been shown that traditional methods, based on one or two anatomical elements, systematically produce a loss in the minimum number of individuals (MNI) that is sometimes significant. This paper also proposes using fragmentation categories in the calculation of the fragmentation index. In addition, based on these indices, a reflection is made on the difficulty involved in associating the amount of fragmentation of the shells with the taphonomic processes that have occurred at the archaeological sites, especially in discerning which agents have caused the fragmentation.  相似文献   

2.
Several methods of relating on-site and off-site data for developing and testing hypotheses about man-environment relationships and prehistoric subsistence economies have been devised since the original proposal for site-catchment analysis in 1970. We review the principles involved in these methods, and emphasize the importance of distinguishing clearly between Site Catchments (SCs) and Site Exploitation Territories (SETs). We propose that the distorting effects of variable topography have crucial importance in understanding the tactical reasons for using particular sites in regional exploitation strategies and demonstrate a simple technique for calculating this distortion. Two case studies from the Upper Palaeolithic of Spain show the potential of the technique. One focuses on the relationships between site clusters, the other explores the relationships between sites within site clusters.  相似文献   

3.
Abstract

The cyclical use of sites and locales over decades, centuries, and even millennia is an important aspect of hunter-gatherer land use that is rarely considered in studies that focus on a single annual cycle. The long-term perspective provided by archaeological data can be used to delineate persistent land use patterns and contribute to an understanding of the complexity of hunter-gatherer behavior. Mid-Holocene Wyoming housepit data document persistent land use over at least a 2000-year period at three spatial scales—the reuse of housepits, reuse of sites containing housepits, and use of different sites within the larger region. Slab-lined cylindrical basins at many sites in southwest Wyoming provide evidence for stable long-term land use during the middle Holocene. The focal point of this pattern was probably a predictable resource, possibly some type of root plant that would have been available during the dry middle Holocene.  相似文献   

4.
5.
Explanatory frameworks relating to the appearance of shell mounds and the exploitation of molluscs (particularly the sand/mudflat bivalve Anadara granosa) during the late Holocene have tended to emphasise stasis and continuity. Very few analyses have adequately investigated the intensity of human predation during the mound period and the potential effects on the particular prey species. To this end, the biological and ecological characteristics of A. granosa, the dominant molluscan species for much of the known period of occupation in the region, are considered in detail, in combination with assessing the potential for human impact through predation via the measurement of 9106 A. granosa valves from three shell mounds. In explaining long-term economic change in this region of northern Australia, the focus has been placed on the analysis of relative changes and trends through time in prehistoric resource exploitation.  相似文献   

6.
In a 1995 article, ??Reviving the Grand Narrative??, Andrew Sherratt critiqued stadial models based on binary opposition (Sherratt in J Eur Archaeol 3:1?C32, 1995), causing some to question whether the ??post?? of ??post-Pleistocene?? was an appropriate way to understand the period. This paper uses that critique as a starting point and examines the Early Holocene of Mediterranean Europe, not as the backwater of Pleistocene big-game hunters, but rather as a dynamic period of socioeconomic as well as environmental changes, separate from yet related to both the preceding Epipaleolithic and the ensuing Early Neolithic.  相似文献   

7.
Nuts of limber pine (Pinus flexilis) from Early Holocene strata in Danger Cave, Utah, are distinguishable by seed-coat sculpturing from pine nuts of single-needled pinyon (Pinus monophylla), which occur in strata dating <7000 years . Owls and other taphonomic agents may deposit pine nuts in archaeological sites, but the morphology of the pine nuts in Danger Cave strongly indicate they were deposited by human foragers who brought small quantities with them for food for at least the last 7500 years. Large-scale transport of pine nuts to Danger Cave from distant hinterlands is unlikely, however. The seamless transition from limber pine to pinyon pine nuts in the Danger Cave record suggests that foragers who had utilized limber pine as a food resource easily switched to using pinyon pine nuts when pinyon pine migrated into the region at the close of the Early Holocene.  相似文献   

8.
The archaeological record of the Terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene in the Great Basin consists largely of surface lithic artifacts, and consequently research has concentrated on typological and technological studies. The small suite of radiocarbon dates available suggests human presence in the Great Basin by at least 11,500 B.P., but evidence of subsistence is scanty. Technological analyses as well as artifact distributions suggest that the earliest occupants of this region subsisted primarily by hunting, possibly large terrestrial game. As elsewhere in North America, the earliest occupants of the Great Basin faced a rapidly changing environment, with the drying of shallow pluvial lake remnants and the creation of new habitats. Paralleling these changes, significant subsistence resource diversification coupled with expansion into new environments is evident by the close of the Pleistocene.  相似文献   

9.
San Jacinto 1 represents a special-purpose settlement that was used by late Archaic foraging groups who logistically moved from base camps to special-purpose camps in order to collect and process subsistence resources at the onset of the dry season in the Caribbean savannas of northern Colombia. Situated in an optimal location for permanent water and seasonal concentrations of dry season subsistence items, the site’s location was part of a logistic strategy in which specific task groups were moved to resources during a short season of availability. Preserved vertebrate and invertebrate faunas at San Jacinto conform to expectations about assemblage ubiquity, richness, and evenness or equitability within the early occupational strata at the site. Specific animals including turtles and fish were pursued, and may have been processed with C3 plants and grasses in ubiquitous earth ovens. Certain local aquatic invertebrates were also procured along with the collection of specific extra-local gastropods.  相似文献   

10.
Following the last humid phase of the Late Holocene, human groups left the Saharan latitudes of northern Mali at around 2500 cal. years BC to settle further south. The Kobadi population was among the first Neolithic human groups to enter the Niger Inland Delta in central Mali. People adapted to their new environment by intensifying one of their former subsistence practices, namely fishing. The rich and diversified ichthyofauna exploited was dominated by large Nile perches and a variety of catfish taxa. It testifies to relatively stable hydrological conditions: a fluvial lake which was probably linked permanently to the main Niger River. Fish were caught with harpoons and probably also with diverse fishing devices such as nets, baskets and fences. Preparation processes prior to cooking cannot be determined, but fish were probably cooked on hot coals or stones, the left‐overs of the meals being discarded randomly at the site. Intense exploitation of the aquatic environment near Kobadi provided an abundant, secure and predictable source of protein. Besides fish and riparian mammals, reptiles such as turtles, monitors and crocodile were hunted. Domestic cattle provided milk and/or meat. These animals were either raised at the site or obtained by means of exchange with pastoral groups roaming the hinterlands. From the 2nd millennium BC, the focus on aquatic resources at Kobadi, mostly through the intensification of fish exploitation, may demonstrate the beginning of economic specialisation in the Niger Inland Delta. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

11.
Two adjacent chambers of the cave of La Chaise, Grotte de Bourgeois-Delaunay (B-D) and Grotte Suard, have been studied. Both were partly filled with detrital sediments containing lower and middle Palaeolithic artifacts and skeletal remains of pre-Neanderthalian hominids. Layers of stalagmitic calcite occur interstratified in the sediments of both chambers. Dates obtained by 230Th/234U ratios have provided a time scale for hominid and cultural evolution as represented in this cave.In B-D the lower travertine rests on a breccia containing cranial remains of juvenile Neanderthals. The base of the travertine dates to 151 ± 15 Ky (Ky = 1000 years BP); the top of the travertine yields a date of 112±5 Ky. The travertine contains pollen of an interglacial flora. Overlying detrital sediments 1·2 m in thickness contain artifacts transitional from Acheulian to Mousterian industries. They are capped by a travertine (Layer 7) whose base is dated at 100±6 Ky, and which is capped by stalagmites ranging in age down to 58±7 Ky. Overlying the travertine is sediment containing first Mousterian, and then Aurignacian artifacts.Near the base of the sediments filling Grotte Suard is a stalagmite layer dated to 249±30 Ky. It contains interglacial pollen and presumably dates to the beginning of the isotope stage 7 interglacial. Neanderthaloid hominid teeth and cranial fragments are found scattered through the overlying sediments, up to a capping stalagmitic layer whose base is dated at 101±7 Ky. The best described hominids from Suard are from a section that was probably overlying the capping stalagmite. The capping stalagmite is temporally correlated with layer 7 of B-D.  相似文献   

12.
Analyses of fluted point technology and Paleoindian technological risk have contributed to our understanding of human adaptation across North America in the late Pleistocene and early Holocene. However, poor chronological control has dissuaded similar studies of fluted points found in Alaska and northern Yukon and our understanding of their adaptive role in early arctic adaptations remains unclear. Two new archeological sites have provided reliable radiocarbon data and for the first time, a comprehensive analysis of northern fluted points is possible. Here, technological and morphological analyses of northern fluted points are presented, including variables statistically evaluated and compared to a collection of fluted Folsom artifacts serving as a reference. Variation in tool shape was measured using geometric morphometrics, and a new approach to landmark placement designed to characterize basal morphology and allow the analysis to include tool fragments is presented. Results confirm that northern fluted points represent a cohesive technological strategy and are used to formulate hypotheses suggesting its service as a risk-management system promoting ease-of-replacement-after-failure to offset transport costs and reduce risk during long-distance travel.  相似文献   

13.
At Uan Afuda, and other Early Holocene sites of the Acacus mountains, in the Libyan Sahara, dung layers and plant accumulation are a major, but repeatedly neglected, feature of hunter-gatherer communities. To understand the formation and meaning of such features, a multidimensional analysis has been undertaken, combining micromorphological, palynological, botanical, archaeozoological, and archaeological data. The hypothesis here formulated is twofold: plant accumulations are evidence of anthropic activity aimed at the storage of fodder; and dung layers are related to a forced penning of a ruminant, very likely Barbary sheep (Ammotragus lervia). The exploration of these two features has hinted at the existence of a deep reciprocal relationship, which has been interpreted as the cultural control of wild Barbary sheep, leading to a delayed use of food resources. This behavior may be considered an opportunistic strategy adopted to minimize the effects of lean periods and implicates increasing cultural complexity within Late Acacus Saharan forager societies of the 9th millennium B.P.  相似文献   

14.
The evolution of littoral palaeoenvironments in the southern Pampas region of Argentina towards the end of the early Holocene and the beginning of the mid Holocene is discussed, and the formation processes of the archaeological site of La Olla are analysed. This site is located in the intertidal zone of the present beach and is remarkably well-preserved. The human occupation at the site has been dated at between 7400 and 6480 yrs BP, and is interpreted as a place for the processing and consumption of the southern fur seal (Arctocephalus australis) and southern sea-lion (Otaria flavescens). It is concluded that biostabilization by microbial mats of the sedimentary structures and archaeological remains that developed and are present on the tidal flat prevented their erosion by wind, turbulence currents and waves. This is what has permitted the exceptional preservation of the site. On the basis of the analyses of one of the sectors of the site it can be concluded that the sedimentary succession of the La Olla site is the result of the coastal environmental changes during the early–mid Holocene in the pre-maximum transgressive episode. During this interval a tidal flat developed on the Pleistocene abrasion platform. Human occupation occurred during the formation of mixohaline marsh, an upper intertidal–lower supratidal zone ecosystem.  相似文献   

15.
Archaeological evidence regarding the presence of obsidian in levels that antedate the food production stage could have been the result of usage or intrusion of small obsidian artifacts from overlying Neolithic layers. The new obsidian hydration dates presented below employing the novel SIMS-SS method, offers new results of absolute dating concordant with the excavation data. Our contribution sheds new light on the Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene exploitation of obsidian sources on the island of Melos in the Cyclades reporting dates c. 13th millennium - end of 10th millennium B.P.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

A raw material form scarcely mentioned in the literature on lithic production—chipped stone artifacts manufactured by members of still earlier cultures—is used for a substantial portion of the toolkits in certain industries of Dakhleh Oasis, south-central Egypt. In one group of early Holocene (Masara) sites, the majority of double patinated tools are chunky burins, systematically manufactured from Levallois flakes and similar thick-sectioned older artifacts. Since fresh chert and other workable stone is available in the area, it appears that old, recycled lithics constitute the preferred raw material for these tool classes. The sites in question seem to be field camps where the burins were both made and used.  相似文献   

17.
Journal of World Prehistory - Until recently, the Iranian Central Plateau (ICP) was considered to have been unoccupied at the end of the Pleistocene (Marshall 2012 in ‘Missing Links: Demic...  相似文献   

18.
It is important to determine the geological sources of Palaeolithic ambers in the south of Europe in order to understand the mobility and interchanges of prehistoric societies. Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) spectroscopy analysis carried out on Upper Palaeolithic ambers from La Garma A cave (Cantabria, Northern Spain) allowed us to identify their source area. Their diagnostic features were found to be similar to the amber obtained in the Lower Cretaceous outcrops close to this archaeological site, and to differ clearly from Baltic amber, which has been generally suggested as the amber found in European prehistoric sites. These results show that the origin of the Gravettian amber found in La Garma A is local and, consequently, a hypothetical contact route is not required to be able to account for the presence of this material in the Iberian Palaeolithic context studied here. For the first time it has been demonstrated that the provenance of an archaeological amber in the Iberian Peninsula is local, with both geographical and spectroscopical evidences. Our study also concludes that the archaeological amber of La Garma A possibly belongs to an araucariacean resin that originated from the coniferous forests which grew in the northeast portion of the Iberian Plate c.110-million years ago.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

The recently discovered human remains from Callao Cave, northern Luzon, Philippines securely date the migration of hominins into the Philippines to ca. 70 kya (thousands of years ago). The direct route to reach Luzon from the Asian mainland is via Borneo, Palawan, through Mindoro and into Luzon. Our research focuses on Mindoro Island as a potential stepping stone to the main Philippine Archipelago. While Palawan and Luzon have produced evidence for early human occupation, no systematic research on the prehistory of Mindoro has been conducted until now. We report on recent archaeological investigations at the Bubog rockshelter sites on the small island of Ilin just off the coast of Mindoro. The excavations produced evidence of stratified sequences of human habitation at the two rockshelter sites in the form of dense shell middens that date to ca. 11 kya onwards. They provide direct evidence on how variability in landscape formation, sea levels, and landmass during the terminal Pleistocene and early Holocene influenced the behavior of early human populations. Numerous species of molluscs were recorded and provisional results indicate variations in the invertebrate faunas throughout the stratigraphic sequences, resulting from sea level rise and the establishment of coral reefs between Ilin and Mindoro at the end of the Pleistocene. Our results contribute substantially to our understanding of the processes of human island adaptation, complement ongoing research into Island Southeast Asia’s paleogeography, and enhance current knowledge of prehistoric subsistence strategies across the region.  相似文献   

20.
We analyse the consequences of traditional use on forest characteristics during the last millennium in a mountain area of Spanish Central System, using information contained in documents, as well as cartography and toponymy. In the Middle Ages the local forests were transformed into municipal dehesas (communal fenced woods), communal wood pastures and arable lands. Pinewoods located in areas above 1500 m decreased because of the high grazing pressure. In the fifteenth century two manors were created (Buitrago and Montesclaros). Livestock became an important factor during this period. As a consequence an open wood was formed and oak coppices were also abundant (the felling of this species was at that time permitted by the Ordinances). At the end of the period of traditional management, pinewoods were disappearing and the main forest areas were located only in municipal dehesas. The area of beech was reduced in favour of melojo oak and scrub, due to the lower sprouting capacity of the beeches and their lower drought tolerance. Open wood pastures remain only in the eastern part of the study area, where there has been less intense human intervention. After the abolition of manors in the nineteenth century, arable land increased in the western part of the area, which had a higher population density. In the twentieth century, both human and livestock pressure decreased substantially and pine species were reintroduced by reforestation. The primitive savannah was transformed into ‘infilled savannah’, while temperate species spread around their refuges in municipal woods.  相似文献   

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