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KWADWO KONADU-AGYEMANG 《The Canadian geographer》2001,45(4):528-544
Due to the persistent socio-economic problems that have beset African countries since the late 1970s, many of them have been forced to accept IMF and World Bank sponsored Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs). Ghana came under one such program in 1983. While proponents of the program point to growth in GDP and other measures as evidence of successful adjustment in Ghana, critics have pointed to the negative impacts on the labor market, women, farmers and the like. This paper seeks to add to the debate by examining the impacts of SAPs on housing production, delivery and affordability from 1983–1998. It argues that since shelter is a very important basic need, what happens to its production, affordability and access under the SAPs should be considered among the criteria for judging their success or failure. The paper examines housing affordability in Accra, Ghana, using standard measurement criteria applied by lending institutions to determine affordability. It uses market data to compare and contrast housing prices and income ratios in Ghana from 1980 to 1998. The analysis is based on a combination of primary and secondary data from market surveys, the Ministry of Housing, the Ghana Statistical Services and a variety of other sources. It concludes that not all the dramatic increases in the price of both developed and undeveloped land over the past 16 years can be wholly attributed to the ongoing Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) per se. Nonetheless, SAP inspired policies such as currency devaluation and hikes in interest rates have contributed greatly to these changes. The end result is that real estate prices have been pushed beyond the affordability of a significant proportion of Ghana's population. 相似文献
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Christopher Scheer 《Journal of Victorian Culture》2013,18(3):365-382
The study of liminality, pioneered by the anthropologist Arnold van Gennep, and reinvigorated by Victor Turner, considers the ambiguity that exists for individuals as they move between defined groups or identities. Reconsidering the relationship between the British composer, Gustav Holst (1874–1934), and his birthplace, the west country spa town of Cheltenham, provides not only a case study of the general liminality of the professional musician, but of a figure who is betwixt and between in almost all aspects of his life. In essence, Holst is the archetype of a liminal being. This study problematizes Holst's place in the received history of British music, arguing that his liminality has been overlooked in various attempts to make his life and music fit a mainstream narrative for English musical culture, the so-called Second English Musical Renaissance. The origins of that liminality are explored by considering Holst's relationship with Victorian Cheltenham, ranging widely from the civic to the religious, from the public to the private, and from the individual to the social. This includes his contact with prominent influences such as imperialism and evangelicalism, but also elements that are seemingly more marginal to the town but central for Holst, such as Theosophy. Doing so clarifies the origins and importance of Holst's relentlessly liminal status in Victorian and Edwardian society, demonstrating how such reconsiderations can reshape the historical narrative of Victorian influence on the twentieth century. 相似文献
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Mehmet Ruhi Demiray 《European Legacy》2015,20(8):807-826
This essay examines two dominant traditions in legal philosophy, the natural law theory and legal positivism, in terms of how they account for the normativity of law. I argue that, although these two traditions generally take the question of the normativity of law seriously and try to account for it, they are not successful in doing so. This failure in the prevailing literature on the philosophy of law, I suggest, nevertheless has an implicit reconstructive impact: the insights into the failure of natural law theory and legal positivism imply an alternative philosophical framework that may provide a positive answer to the question of the normativity of law. 相似文献
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Since the implementation of Ghana's national Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), policies associated with the programme have been criticized for perpetuating poverty within the country's subsistence economy. This article brings new evidence to bear on the contention that the SAP has both fuelled the uncontrolled growth of informal, poverty‐driven artisanal gold mining and further marginalized its impoverished participants. Throughout the adjustment period, it has been a central goal of the government to promote the expansion of large‐scale gold mining through foreign investment. Confronted with the challenge of resuscitating a deteriorating gold mining industry, the government introduced a number of tax breaks and policies in an effort to create an attractive investment climate for foreign multinational mining companies. The rapid rise in exploration and excavation activities that has since taken place has displaced thousands of previously‐undisturbed subsistence artisanal gold miners. This, along with a laissez faire land concession allocation procedure, has exacerbated conflicts between mining parties. Despite legalizing small‐scale mining in 1989, the Ghanaian government continues to implement procedurally complex and bureaucratically unwieldy regulations and policies for artisanal operators which have the effect of favouring the interests of established large‐scale miners. 相似文献
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Terje Tvedt 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2013,41(2):173-194
Why did the British march up the Nile in the 1890s? The answers to this crucial question of imperial historiography have direct relevance for narratives and theories about imperialism, in general, and the partition of Africa in the nineteenth century, in particular. They will also influence our understanding of some of the main issues in the modern history of the whole region, including state developments and resource utilisation. This article presents an alternative to dominant interpretations of the partition of Africa and the role of British Nile policies in this context. It differs from mainstream diplomatic history, which dominates this research field, in its emphasis on how geographical factors and the hydrological characteristics of the Nile influenced and framed British thinking and actions in the region. Realising the importance of such factors and the specific character of the regional water system does not imply less attention to traditional diplomatic correspondence or to the role of individual imperial entrepreneurs. The strength of this analytical approach theoretically is that it makes it possible to locate the intentions and acts of historical subjects within specific geographical contexts. Empirically, it opens up a whole new set of source material, embedding the reconstruction of the British Nile discourse in a world of Nile plans, water works and hydrological discourses. 相似文献
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HUGH SMITH 《Australian journal of political science》1998,33(2):219-233
In Western democracies armed forces perform a variety of internal functions. This paper examines the principles and issues relating to the use of the Australian Defence Force in the enforcement of law against individual citizens and aliens. This function is normally the responsibility of the police but there are pressures in Australia and overseas for the wider use of armed forces in this field. Traditional restraints on the employment of armed forces in this capacity date back to parliamentary resistance to the power of the Crown. Several barriers, constitutional, legal and institutional, have developed to ensure that the executive cannot easily abuse its necessary control over the armed forces in a way that endangers civil liberties. While there is no serious danger of such abuse at present, several issues need to be monitored. 相似文献
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In many developing countries, a rhetorical commitment to decentralization often superficially manifests through the creation of new or smaller administrative units at the sub-national level. In democracies in particular, this raises the question of whether sub-national unit proliferation is intended for winning popular support in elections or addressing the concerns of local citizens. This paper analyzes the motivations for district creation by focusing on Ghana, which is oft-considered one of Africa's more committed countries to decentralization. At the same time, successive governments repeatedly have divided the country into more districts in an espoused effort to more effectively bring services closer to citizens. With an in-depth focus on the most recent increase from 170 to 216 districts between 2008 and 2012, this paper employs national and district census, socioeconomic, and electoral data to examine which districts were split and why. Instead of representing a source of patronage to swing voters or a divide-and-rule strategy in opposition strongholds, the study finds that the incumbent party at the time, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), used re-districting as a tactic of malapportionment and predominantly targeted non-competitive districts where gaining an additional legislative seat in subsequent elections was more likely. Evidence suggests that this pattern is not specific to the NDC and that previous district splitting under the New Patriotic Party (NPP) also focused disproportionately on that party's safe seats. Overall, the paper emphasizes the need for according greater consideration to underlying institutional aspects, particularly electoral rules and executive-legislative relations, when analyzing the motivations for territorial reforms. 相似文献
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