清初摄政、辅政体制与皇权政治

清初经历了叔王摄政、异姓大臣辅政的两种特殊的政治体制。入关前,太祖、太宗未定立储制度。皇太极过世,各派势力窥视皇权,戏剧性地达成拥立幼主福临,叔王摄政的体制。摄政王权势过重,威胁皇权,借机治罪多尔衮。康熙冲龄即位,借鉴前制陋规,形成以孝庄文皇后为核心的异姓大臣辅政统系,辅政失控,导致权臣鳌拜专权,再次危及皇权,而智捉鳌拜。摄政王、辅政大臣的争斗,反映了满洲八旗内旗籍矛盾的尖锐。摄政、辅政与皇权之间的冲突,构成了清代政治文化的重要内容,极大地影响着清初政治的价值取向。     

清宫生活中的铺垫--漳绒炕单

在故宫收藏众多的各类铺垫当中,其中就有一部分漳绒磺地的铺垫,做为炕单用于在清代宫廷生活当中。用作为炕单,可追朔到“尧作毯”的记载,开始人们是“席地而坐”,为了隔潮舒适便有了坐垫。后来人们在炕、床等器物上铺用了炕垫,炕垫之上为了防尘美观装饰的需要罩上了炕单。到了清代在日常居室布陈,需用相当数量的炕草,呈现这一局面由多种原因促成。身为满族的清统治者,早在关外屋宇的格局特点是“屋无堂室,敞三楹,西南北土床相连,曰-L!字炕”,并干“炕上用芦席,席上铺大红毡”。     

The Politics of Chivalry: Sir Robert Walpole,the Duke of Montagu and the Order of the Bath

This article explores the complex circumstances surrounding the foundation of the order of the Bath in 1725, and seeks to correct the commonly‐held view that it was initiated by Walpole simply to augment the patronage available to his supporters in parliament. The proposal for a new order of chivalry based on the medieval ‘knighthood of the bath’ in fact emanated from the court, having been prompted by one of its central figures, the duke of Montagu. Walpole and his colleagues were by no means oblivious to the practical political value of such a move, but having only lately consolidated their position at court, their main priority was to seize a unique opportunity to flatter the new royal dynasty and garner popularity for it through the medium of the order's rediscovered history. The ministers selected the order's 36 founder‐knights with considerable input from senior courtiers, but ensured that those nominated were mostly peers and MPs who could evince ministerially useful connections between court and parliament. Though the order was later derided as a symptom of Walpoleian corruption, its foundation can be regarded as something of a turning point in Walpole's rise to power.     

论三国时期的"君臣之义"

在三国时期,君臣之义属于“大义”的范畴,这是人们所公认的。故当时无论是对为君之义还是对为臣之义,都有一整套规定性内容。但和其他封建伦理道德一样,君臣之义在三国时期,也在很多时候成为了军阀、权臣和野心家进行割据、篡位的手段,成为他们种种不义行为的遮羞布。     

Patriarch Methodius,the Author of the Lost First Life of Theodore of Stoudios

Through his hagiographical writings, Patriarch Methodius of Constantinople played a crucial role in shaping the canonical narrative of the iconophile resistance during the first half of the 9th century. This article makes the case that Methodius not only wrote the Lives of the confessors Theophanes of Sigriane and Euthymius of Sardes, he was also the author of the now lost first Life of Theodore of Stoudios, which then served as the model for the extant Vita B by the Studite monk Michael.     

法国的路易十四研究

18世纪以来,法国人对于路易十四的兴趣就一直存在着,对于他的研究的基本脉络未曾中断,并且不断获得成绩。目前法国人对于路易十四的研究有以下几个新特点:虽然有关著述的作者的行业与职务颇不相同,但著述内容丰富,论述详实;比较一致的美化路易十四的现象颇为突出;研究范围广泛,路易十四的婚姻、身体、宫廷生活、个人情感,甚至一些难题皆有研究者进行探讨,并且已经出版不少著述;法国作者们对于路易十四的情妇关注过多,削弱了对于历史的主要内容(经济、政治、文化、军事、社会生活等)的研究。总之,法国人对于路易十四的研究既取得了实实在在的成绩,同时还有若干问题有待继续加深研究。     

元代陕西行省研究

元代陕西行省设立早,起初临时处理军政,且与四川时合时分,至元二十三年(1286年)后自为一省。陕西行省与行御史台、宗王等分治最为典型。因西台负责四省监察,蒙古军都万户府迁治凤翔及安西王等出镇,陕西行省长期充任西部军政大本营。然军事权偏弱,还有所谓"未尝提调军马"的"旧例"。这是前期四川设行枢密院,蒙古军都万户府与其不相统摄,平章多不兼都万户,直接支配军队有限等所造成。任职或镇守陕西的,往往是廉希宪、赛典赤、阿思罕、乃蛮台等重臣及安西王、湘宁王等显赫宗王。该省"舞台"或可窥见元朝廷各种政治势力的角逐乃至厮杀。     

Sovereign Bodies: Ancestor Cult and State Legitimacy among the Incas

The worship of dead Inca kings, because it aimed at preserving the deceased's bodily integrity, reveals constituent aspects of royal personhood. Underpinning these practices was the conception that the dead's agency was conveyed through corporeal substances, which therefore required constant acts of sustenance. This paper examines the bodily practices and material substances that shaped the king's physical person during his lifetime, as well as after his death. These data show that the royal body was made conspicuous through a series of ritual and symbolic actions devised to display the king's faculty to infuse vital force to all living creatures under his rule he thus stood as the source of prosperity for his subjects with which he was engaged in reciprocal obligations of life sustenance. I argue that these “embodied technologies of power” shaped a system of representations that legitimated the king's appropriation of state resources.     

Clarendon,Cavour, and the Intervention of Sardinia in the Crimean War, 1853–1855

The notorious arms trader Sir Basil Zaharoff is remembered as the archetypal ‘merchant of death’. During the First World War, he is alleged to have exercised a malign influence over statesmen in London and Paris. Recently released Foreign Office files now allow us to document Zaharoff's wartime activities on behalf of the British government as an agent of influence in the Levant. The new sources reveal that Sir Vincent H.P. Caillard, the financial director of the arms-maker Vickers, played a key role in making Zaharoff's services available to prime ministers Asquith and Lloyd George. While Zaharoff has often been portrayed as a sinister force, manipulating statesmen into pursuing his financial and political interests, the reality was the reverse. Zaharoff was a convenient tool of two prime ministers rather than a powerful political manipulator in his own right.     

Hosting the king: hospitality and the royal iter in tenth-century England

Traditional studies of royal itinerancy have depended on locating the king’s progress through his kingdom(s) as precisely as possible and it should therefore not surprise that the iter regis in pre-conquest England has received relatively little attention, since Anglo-Saxon diplomas only rarely record their date and place of issue, making the establishment of the royal itinerary all but impossible. However, more recent studies, particularly by German scholars, have moved away from the earlier attention to the concrete details of the royal iter and focus more on the effects of itinerancy as a method of rulership, viewing itinerancy as a central part of royal ritual. This study argues that if we investigate itinerancy in tenth-century England from this standpoint, we can throw new light onto the subject. Contemporary sources reveal that in England as in France and Germany the iter regis was of great importance, with symbolic acts of feasting and gift-giving accompanying royal visits. The attention given to these ritualised acts in contemporary sources suggests, moreover, that Anglo-Saxon kingship possessed an important ‘charismatic’ quality, which deserves further investigation.     

Commerce before crusade? France, the Ottoman Empire and the Barbary pirates (1661-1669)

French and Islamic forces clashed with an unprecedented frequencyduring the first decade of Louis XIV's personal rule. This articleexamines France's troubled relations with the Ottoman Empireand the Barbary States in the 1660s, with the aim of sheddinglight on the real motives of Louis XIV in sending his forcesagainst those of the ‘Infidel’. It finds that farfrom having a single policy towards their Muslim neighboursin the Mediterranean, the French government's behaviour wasin fact characterized by chronic inconsistency. In essence,French strategy was driven by the Bourbon government's long-termobjective of developing commerce in the eastern and southernMediterranean, but this programme of commercial expansion wasfrustrated—and repeatedly jeopardized—by issuesof power politics, in particular the king's avid pursuit ofprestige and personal gloire.     

曹操霸府述论

汉末建安年间,曹操“挟天子而令诸侯”,建立起霸府统治,并由这种统治逐步孕育催生出新的皇权。曹操霸府的组织系统通常由两三个部分构成,其分支机构亦不局限于一个处所;霸府的机构设置和职能发挥,则采取了一套军政合一、灵活处理的办法。曹操对霸府统治所进行的一系列目的明确的运作,同他对待皇权的态度是表里一致的;他未能废汉自立的根本原因,是受制于现实的政治条件或政治实力,而不是司马光所说“畏名义而自抑”。曹操开创的霸府政治模式,有着自身的政治内涵和行政特点,并对后世产生了影响。     

‘Grace for the rebels’: the role of the royal pardon in the Peasants' Revolt of 1381

This article focuses on the Peasants' Revolt of 1381 as a means of examining some of the late medieval assumptions about the nature of royal mercy. Rather than adding to the weight of scholarship on the causes and characteristics of the Revolt, this article discusses the views on mercy (‘grace for the rebels’)¹ that were reportedly expressed by all parties during the course of the rebellion. The first section analyses the chronicles and their references to discussion of pardon and mercy during the revolt itself. The second section examines the role of the royal pardon in the subsequent judicial proceedings in the Home Counties — who were the first recipients of pardon, and how were they able to secure royal grace? The final section then discusses the formulation of the pardon in the autumn parliament, and the debate surrounding the course of government policy in the wake of revolt on an unprecedented scale. This article seeks to demonstrate that the Crown and commons shared a common language of pardon, and understood that by framing their discussion in terms of royal grace, they were alluding to a particular kind of idealised relationship between the king and his subjects.     

略论殷墟王陵制度的形成

无论是传世文献还是甲骨金文,均反映出晚商时期有一个嫡庶观念逐渐加强的过程,而这个过程与殷墟西北岗王陵区不断突出王墓的作法是一致的。两个方面均反映出晚商王权的逐步加强以及父死子继王位传承制度的逐渐巩固与最终确立。西北岗王陵西区是比较纯粹的王陵区,但东区埋葬的人员较为复杂,只能看作是一处高等级王室墓地。西北岗王陵区可能开启于殷墟文化一期偏早阶段,并可能一开始就大致划定兆域界限。武丁在位时期可能对王陵制度作过重大调整,即西区只葬殷王,其他成员只能葬在王陵东区、小屯宫殿宗庙区西南部墓地以及后岗西区墓地等处。殷王陵不奉行夫妻并穴合葬,王与后分处。但王陵东区有异姓陪葬的现象。殷王陵区有象征国家政权的一面,与殷墟其他普通族墓地有较大差异。     

Politics of the Frontier: Henri IV, the Marechal-Duc De Bouillon and the Sovereignty of Sedan

This article re-examines the Bouillon affair of 1602–1606,a dispute between the maréchal-duc de Bouillon and HenriIV which was finally resolved through a royal show of forceand Bouillon’s apparent capitulation. Portrayed in royalpropaganda as a resounding victory, this episode has traditionallybeen viewed as a decisive step in the reassertion of royal authority.More recently, the affair has been analysed in the light ofearly-modern codes of honour and masculinity. The present articleoffers a reinterpretation of these events which pays due attentionto the motivations and objectives of Bouillon himself, too oftencaricatured as a self-serving aristocrat, lacking in seriouspurpose. Thus, attention is drawn to the significance of Bouillon’sinternational dynastic and confessional concerns, and, in particular,to the role of his female relatives throughout the affair. Aboveall, however, it is argued that Bouillon’s relationshipwith the crown can only be properly understood if it is examinedin the context of the efforts made by Bouillon and his predecessorsto establish and gain recognition of their own sovereign authorityat Sedan. The Bouillon affair was not just about royal honourand authority, it was also a debate over the sovereignty ofa frontier territory. The manner in which the affair was concluded—througha treaty of protection which recognized Bouillon’s sovereigntyat Sedan—indicates that, far from being an unqualifiedroyal victory, the settlement was a compromise which satisfiedBouillon’s foremost objective.     

In the Palace of the Fallen king: The Royal Residential Complex at Aguateca,Guatemala

Abstract

The Aguateca Archaeological Project extensively excavated two structures (M7-22 andM7-32) in the Palace Group of the Late Classic Maya (A.C. 600–830) center of Aguateca, Guatemala. Multiple lines of evidence, including site layout, architectural features, soil chemistry, objects stored in a sealed room, and abandonment processes, suggest that these were the buildings where the ruler and his family lived and worked. The use of space in these structures shows some similarities to those of the rapidly abandoned elite residences at Aguateca and of palace-type buildings at other Maya centers. The occupants of this royal complex retained a certain level of visibility, indicating the importance of the ruler’s body as the focus of theatrical display. After the royal family evacuated the center, an invading enemy ritually destroyed these buildings, attesting the symbolic importance of the royal residences. The center was almost completely abandoned after this incursion.     

Household appointments and dismissals at the court of Louis XIII

This article looks at the impact on court office-holding ofone of the most celebrated royal favourites of the seventeenthcentury, Charles d'Albert, duc de Luynes, who was in favourfrom 1617 until 1622. During these five years, he was responsiblefor appointing forty-two noble men and women to high officein the households of Louis XIII, his queen Anne of Austria andhis brother Gaston d'Orléans. They were his dependentsappointed for their personal loyalty and political usefulnessto him, including influencing opinions, providing information,acting as messengers and go-betweens and helping him to getrid of rivals and enemies. Half of them left office within fiveyears of his death in December 1621, and three-quarters withinten years, a much higher departure rate than in the generalhousehold population. More than half of them were dismissedby Richelieu after he came to power in 1624 because he loathedLuynes and regarded his household appointees as untrustworthy.There is clearly a need for more studies of the political tiesand activities of royal household members during this period.     

乾隆时期宫廷瓷器修补

陶瓷修复史是中国陶瓷史和手工艺史重要内容之一。随着制瓷的发达和藏古瓷之风的盛行,陶瓷器修复在明清时期发展出适用各阶层需求的多样工艺。至乾隆时期,酷爱陶瓷的清高宗更是直接指示了宫廷陶瓷的修补、修复和修整。本文界定了乾隆时期清宫瓷器修缮的范围概念,试图分析以《活计档》为主的清宫档案,与传世实物相印证,还原当时陶瓷器修复的工艺方法、步骤过程,以及修复地点和工匠的情况。通过修补痕迹和工艺细节,修正和补充了对部分清宫藏高古瓷器的认识。乾隆皇帝对不同的陶瓷器选择了迥异的处理方式,体现其审美好恶、品鉴素养和性情意识。     

‘Grace for the rebels’: the role of the royal pardon in the Peasants' Revolt of 1381

This article focuses on the Peasants' Revolt of 1381 as a means of examining some of the late medieval assumptions about the nature of royal mercy. Rather than adding to the weight of scholarship on the causes and characteristics of the Revolt, this article discusses the views on mercy (‘grace for the rebels’)1 1?The parliament rolls of medieval England [hereafter PROME], ed. C. Given-Wilson et al. (CD-ROM. Scholarly Digital Editions, Leicester, 2005), ‘Richard II: parliament of 1381, text and translation’, item 30. I would like to thank the audience of the Oxford Medieval History Seminar for their advice on an early version of this paper, and Mark Ormrod for his helpful comments on this essay in draft form. that were reportedly expressed by all parties during the course of the rebellion. The first section analyses the chronicles and their references to discussion of pardon and mercy during the revolt itself. The second section examines the role of the royal pardon in the subsequent judicial proceedings in the Home Counties — who were the first recipients of pardon, and how were they able to secure royal grace? The final section then discusses the formulation of the pardon in the autumn parliament, and the debate surrounding the course of government policy in the wake of revolt on an unprecedented scale. This article seeks to demonstrate that the Crown and commons shared a common language of pardon, and understood that by framing their discussion in terms of royal grace, they were alluding to a particular kind of idealised relationship between the king and his subjects.     

Richard,duke of York,and the crisis of Henry VI's household in 1450–1: some further evidence

The political crisis in England in 1450 and the deteriorating relationship between King Henry VI and Richard, duke of York, in the summer of that year are examined in the light of two new documents. These provide direct evidence of the reaction of the royal household, if not the king himself, and his advisers to the duke of York's return from Ireland, firstly from the Midlands in the summer of 1450, and secondly, from North Wales around April 1451. Both items were sent to Lord St Amand. The first, from the duke of Buckingham, notes the arrival of a notable force in Warwickshire and a stand-off between the bishop of Coventry and Lichfield and the men of Stafford and its region. The second, from a royal servant, Thomas Broun, is a memorandum of advice for St Amand, who was shortly to become chamberlain in North Wales. It focuses on the excesses of Sir Thomas Stanley, one of a small group of royal household officials holding office in this area, and the threat they posed to the king's regime and its financial stability.