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Andrew Clarke 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》1992,1(2):15-18
[Israeli Ambassador to the United States Zalman Shoval spoke in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, on May 20, 1992. The ambassador's presentation was a session in the Wisconsin International Trade Conference at the Pfister Hotel.] 相似文献
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九·一八事变后,美国的和平团体试图通过一战后建立的国际和平机制来维护远东的和平。他们要求美国政府与国联合作援引国际公约,利用世界舆论的谴责以及联合制裁的方式遏制日本侵略者。但最终的事实证明,和平机制根本无力阻止日本的侵略和维护远东的和平,国联和国际和平条约的公信力也因而丧失殆尽。在满洲危机的沉重打击下,美国和平运动的主流理念逐渐从维护世界和平退缩到固守本土安全,从支持国际合作转向坚守严格中立。满洲危机导致美国和平运动的目标发生了重大转折,即从建立积极的和平转向追求消极的和平。 相似文献
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James G. Shields 《Modern & Contemporary France》2013,21(1):19-34
Though short-lived as an electoral force, the Poujadist movement of the 1950s provides a lasting reference point within French political culture. As a term, 'Poujadism' is synonymous with opposition to economic and social change; as a political doctrine, it has proved more resistant to definition. Denounced by some as a resurgent fascism, Poujadism has been classed by most commentators as an extreme-right movement. This article re-examines that interpretation and argues that Poujadism presents a complex and ambiguous picture, embodying two distinct and opposing French political traditions: the revolutionary-republican and the conservative-nationalist. Far from providing a vehicle for fascism, Pierre Poujade resisted attempts to impose an extreme-right ideology on his movement or to harness it for neo-fascist ends, confirming both the highly specific nature of Poujadism and the continued marginality of the French extreme Right a decade on from Vichy. 相似文献
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评19世纪英国的牛津运动 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
19世纪上半叶后25年是英国向现代国家转型的重要时期,是一个许多方面都在经历重大变革的时期,表现之一是英国从传统的认信国家转向接受宗教多元化原则的现代国家。爆发于该时期的牛津运动,在抵制政教分离和宗教多元化趋势的同时,更以其对宗教自由主义和理性主义等时代精神的批判和向古代基督教会传统的回归而成为一场典型的文化保守主义运动。 相似文献
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Karma Nabulsi 《International affairs》2004,80(2):221-231
This article provides an analytical framework in which to understand the new approach to the Israel–Palestine conflict that has been developing over the last two years. It discusses this new agenda: how it operates, and what arenas it operates in. It looks at the ways this new approach is being implemented through various processes and common understandings by the officials, experts, diplomats, and academics who make up the international community involved in the Middle East Peace Process. 相似文献
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Alon Ben‐Meir PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2010,19(2):228-233
It has been almost a year now since President Obama set out for Cairo to deliver what has been seen as one of the largest overtures by the United States to publicly engage the Middle East. Unfortunately, despite the high hopes that this new administration garnered and the continuous efforts of high‐level American officials to put an end to the Arab–Israeli conflict, there is little fruit to bear on the ground. More often than not, the diplomatic breaches and hurdles to even get to the negotiating table have consumed the headlines, and 1 year later the multilateral relations in the region seem tepid at best. The repeated failures of the bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians and Israel and Syria may be attributed to a number of factors, including a deep‐seated mistrust that has not been addressed, concerns over the long‐term security, and domestic political constraints to make the required concessions to reach an agreement. Yet while all of these elements contributed to the despondent current state of affairs, the one critical missing ingredient has been the absence of a comprehensive framework for peace representing the collective will of the Arab states. Now more than ever, the Arab Peace Initiative (API) offers the best possible chance of achieving an inclusive peace, provided that all parties to the conflict understand its significance and historic implications that have eluded all parties for more than six decades. The likelihood that the current lull in violence will continue if no progress is made on the political front is slim. If the Arab states want to show a united front, especially as the Iranian nuclear advances threaten the regional balance of power, they must finally and publically resolve to promote the API in earnest. 相似文献
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This study devised a predictive model of peacekeeping fiscal costs based on an analysis of all United Nations peacekeeping operations since 1945. Our results indicate that the costs of a peacekeeping operation were significantly influenced by the length of that mission and the size of the force deployed. Beyond these factors, the historical development from observer to second generation missions has produced more costly operation. 相似文献
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