共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 78 毫秒
1.
刍言徐熙与南唐二陵建筑装饰彩画之关系 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Zhang Yuejin 《东南文化》1998,(2)
南唐(937~975年)是我国五代十国纷扰割据中偏隅江南的一个小国,前后历三主。初由烈祖李夺杨吴政权立国始,经中主李,末以后主李煜降宋而国亡。所谓南唐二陵,即指1950年在南京祖堂山发掘的南唐烈祖李与皇后宋氏合葬的钦陵、中主李与皇后钟氏合葬的... 相似文献
2.
<正>2010年,为了纪念南唐二陵考古发掘60周年~([1]),南京市博物馆与南唐二陵文物管理所联合组队,对南京江宁区祖堂山南唐陵园进行全面考古勘探与试掘。南唐陵园位于南京市江宁区祖堂山南麓,距中华门约22公里(图一)。考古工作于2010年9月下旬开始,至2011年1月上旬结束,主要采取调查、孔探的方法 ,以全面了解陵园内外有关遗迹的分布情况,在一些关键地点则采用探沟的方法进行局部解剖, 相似文献
3.
4.
河北省张家口市宣化区下八里村,先后于1974年和1989年发掘三座辽金墓葬(分别编为 M1、M2、M3),年代相近。本文试就三墓彩绘天文图略作比较研究。一宣化辽金墓 M1墓主为张世卿,葬于1116年;M2墓主为张恭诱,葬于1117年;M3墓主为张世本和焦氏夫妇,合葬于1144年。三 相似文献
5.
6.
江苏盱眙大云山江都王陵二号墓发掘简报 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
江都王陵位于江苏省盱眙县大云山的山顶,南距汉代东阳城遗址1公里。2009~2012年,南京博物院在大云山揭露出一处西汉诸侯王的陵园,在陵园内发现主墓3座、陪葬墓11座、车马陪葬坑2座、兵器陪葬坑2座,此外还有陵园建筑设施。本文为M2的发掘简报。M2位于陵园内东南,竖穴岩坑墓,平面呈"中"字形,与M1为同茔异穴。M2虽遭盗扰,仍出土文物218件(组),包括铜、铁、金、漆、玉、陶器等。M2的下葬时代约为公元前129年至前127年,墓主人是第一代江都国的王后,其姓氏可能是"连"。 相似文献
7.
8.
9.
王建墓保坎的修复工程 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
全国重点文物保护单位——王建墓,自建国以米,党和政府曾前后五次拨款维修。1983年,在国家文物局和省市文物主管部门的直接领导下,成都市王建墓文物管理所对王建墓进行了规模最大的一次保坎维修工程。(图一,二) 我国目前已经发掘了的五代时期的帝王陵墓共有三处,即成都的前蜀王建墓和后蜀孟知祥墓,以及南京的南唐二陵。以上几座五代时帝王墓(除王建墓外)都是依山而筑,而王建墓则是建筑在地表之上,平地起券,券顶上加盖石板,然后由人工垒封土呈圆形的墓。冯汉骥先生《前蜀王建墓发掘报告》说:“陵台现高约15米,直径约80米,圆形, 相似文献
10.
11.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
一."层累地造成的中国古史"的辩证上世纪20年代古史辨派兴起,对中国的古史进行了全面的整理,对古史尤其是上古史给予否定,其最为重要的论点认为上古史是"层累地造成的",是"伪造的古史系统","三皇五帝"时代也被完全推翻。近年来随着考古学和历史学的发展, 相似文献
19.
Ronit Lentin 《Irish Studies Review》2016,24(1):21-34
AbstractIn 2014 residents in Direct Provision Centres for asylum seekers staged a series of protests. The protests, which coincided with the appointment of a new Minister for Justice who announced the Irish government’s plans to reform the asylum system, voiced three clear demands. Firstly, the protestors demanded that all asylum centres be closed; secondly, they demanded that all residents be given the right to remain and work in Ireland; and thirdly, they demanded an end to all deportations. The government’s response to these protests was to appoint a working group in October 2014, made up of representatives of migrant-support NGOs (but without any significant representation of asylum seekers themselves) while also announcing that it intends to reform rather than abolish the system.Against this background, this paper makes three interlinked theoretical propositions. Firstly, I propose that just as the Irish state and society managed to ignore workhouses, mental health asylums, “mother and baby homes”, Magdalene laundries and industrial schools, they also “manage not to know” of the plight of asylum seekers, precisely because the Direct Provision system isolates asylum applicants, makes them dependent on bed and board and a small “residual income maintenance payment to cover personal requisites”, and makes it difficult for them to organise on a national level. “Managing not to know”, or disavowing, entails the erasure of the Direct Provision system from Ireland’s collective consciousness at a time when increasing emigration is returning to haunt Irish society after years of refusing to confront the pain of emigration. I argue that asylum seekers represent the return of Ireland’s repressed that confronts Irish people, themselves e/migrants par excellence. Secondly, I propose that by taking action and representing themselves, the residents of Direct Provision Centres can no longer be theorised as Agamben’s “bare life”, at the mercy of sovereign power, to whom everything is done and who are therefore not considered active agents in their own right. The third proposition responds to the theme of this special issue, that multiculturalism is “in crisis”, arguing in the conclusion that this “crisis” hardly applies to Ireland, where the brief flirtations with “interculturalism” by state, society but also Irish studies disavow race and racism in favour of a returning obsession with emigration, which enables the continued disavowal of the experiences of asylum seekers in Direct Provision. 相似文献
20.
Thomas Duddy 《European Legacy》2007,12(3):357-359