易学与社会兴衰论——以严复译《天演论》文本解读为中心

《周易》在西学东渐的文化氛围中被严复视作重要的本土思想资源,严译《天演论》将人性之善恶、生存斗争学说、进化论与易学精神相印证。解读《天演论》文本体现的社会兴衰史观,可从中西文化会通层面分析:就方法而言,严复将易学中逻辑思想与西学中归纳、演绎法结合起来,开启近代中国实证主义之先河;就文化精神而言,严复将易学忧患意识与西方关于社会盛衰史观,交融互释,为晚清社会变革提供学理上的合法性、可能性。严复是有思想的翻译家,中国近代救亡图存是其利用易学诠释西方历史兴衰论的社会语境。     

严复与近代学科

就现实与学理的关系而言,严复对近代学科的建构既有学理的追求,又有对现实政治中救亡图存的反思。以1905年清政府宣布废除科举制度为界限,严复对近代学科建构可分两个阶段。从甲午战争到清末新政宣布废除科举,严复侧重用狭义的进化论结合学科知识,探求西方富强之缘由。1905年前后君主立宪得到朝野呼应,严复在学理上将广义的进化论诠释为狭义的社会进化阶梯,从改良层面解释政治制度变革的艰难。在治学方法及治学路径的选择上,严复以天演进化论为学科理念及对逻辑论证方法的强调,是"不变"的一面。严复对近代学科的建构既有西方学理成分,更有近代世变之亟的困境下实现民族救亡的思路。     

严复的经济思想初论

严复是清朝末期极具影响力的启蒙思想家之一,他在教育、政治、经济方面的思想如他带来的西方现代海军管理思想和教学理论、呼吁变法的政治思想,他的教育救国论,他的赋税思想等都是中国近代历史上一颗耀眼的彗星。其中严复的经济思想研究算是他所有思想研究中比较薄弱的部分。严复的经济思想同他其他思想一样,既有西学渊源又有国学根基,是特定社会历史条件下的产物和近代中、西思想文化发展与融合所结出的硕果。本文拟从严复经济思想的来源、内容入手,对严复经济思想进行一个整体把握。     

晚清政治思想超前发展述论

超前于社会经济的发展,是晚清政治思想的重要特点.鸦片战争以后,民族危机日见严重,传统的政治文化面对数千年来未有之变局无能为力,于是有识之士纷纷提出向西方(包括甲午后的日本)学习要求.相比较而言,政治思想的学习远比社会经济变革来得快.近代政治思想的超前发展带动了社会变革.但是,不是建立在中国近代社会发展的基础上的近代政治思想缺憾甚多,并给晚清社会的变革留下若干负面影响.     

晚清广州的社团及其近代变迁

晚清广州的社团及其近代变迁贺跃夫近年来,晚清都市中的社会团体及其在近代社会变迁中的作用,日益受到学术界的关注。中国大陆研究晚清资本主义及资产阶级产生的学者,多将城市绅商社团视为中国早期资产阶级在政治上成长发展的标志①;而西方以“公民社会”理论来探讨中...     

关於严复翻译的《马可福音》

严复是近代中国最重要的翻译家。他结合清末变法实践,翻译介绍的英国经验主义政治哲学,在19世纪末和20世纪初的中国知识界影响巨大。严复的影响无疑主要是在社会政治学说方面。作为一个中国知识分子和世俗学者,他和西方基督教的关系如何?这原来不是一个非常必要的问题。除了早期翻译过友人宓克的《支那教案论》外,一般学者都认为严复和中国基     

严复《政治讲义》文本溯源

严复 190 5年撰写的《政治讲义》历来被认为是中国人自己撰写的第一部近代政治学著作。事实上 ,从其文本渊源来看 ,该书基本上参照 19世纪英国剑桥大学近代史教授约翰·西莱 (SirJohnSeeley)的著作《政治科学导论》 (AnIntroductiontoPoliticalScience)写成。严复政治思想之来源比较复杂 ,研究严复思想 ,不仅应从中西文比较的角度探讨严译文本 ,同样也要关注晚清时期的政治语境。     

晚清教民研究述略

自唐代的景教、元代的十字教、明清之际的天主教在中国的断续传播到晚清的天主教、(基督)新教和东正教的全面入华,基督教与中国结缘已有1360余年的历史。纵观这段历史,基督教每进入一个地区,都相当注重发展信徒。但基督教民作为一个独特的社会群体的真正确立则是晚清以后的事情。此起彼伏、纷至沓来的教案纷争更是使得教民问题成为晚清社会政治生活中的一个热点,甚至焦点。与其在晚清社会引起的广泛关注形成鲜明对比,在学术界,教民研究却长期处于“边缘化”的状态,散轶在中国基督教史、晚清民众意识史、反洋教斗争史、义和团运动史以及近代…     

第二届“中国报刊与社会历史研究”学术研讨会综述

近期在安徽大学召开的第二届"中国报刊与社会历史研究"学术研讨会,以中国近代报刊发展特点和报刊与社会历史发展的关系为主题,与会学者交流了晚清、民国时期报刊与报人的个案探究,报刊、报刊舆论与社会历史变迁的互动研究,近代报刊生存环境与信息控制的历史研究,以及新闻传播观念史、新闻传播思想史的研究。同时,还对多学科交叉研究新闻史等相关问题进行了热烈和深入的探讨。     

论湘军与晚清中国社会

论湘军与晚清中国社会王继平湘军的兴起,不应当仅仅从中国近代军事史和太平天国战史的角度来诠释。作为清代政治、经济、文化和军事诸种因素交汇而产生的一种社会历史现象,特别是作为一个势力集团,它对于晚清中国社会各层面的影响是深刻而巨大的。本文拟将湘军当作一个...     

北宋政治得失与政治文化

在社会化系统中,直接影响与作用于政治的是政治化。北宋政治化是中国传统政治化发展演变的一个历史阶段。在北宋繁荣的学术化与学艺术的促进下,北宋政治化的发展更加成熟,具有自己的独特内容。在北宋社会的长期稳定与发展中,可以明显看到北宋政治化对政治所发挥的影响与导向功能。在北宋的政治危机以及北宋败亡中,则可以清楚地看到政治化所具有的缺陷与弊端。北宋政治化不仅具有中国传统政治化所固有的缺陷,而且在其形成发展中又产生了新的问题。     

江右王学的学术传承与地方宗族的乡村实践——以明代中后期安福邹守益家族为例

明中叶以后,江右王门学者广建书院、频繁地举办讲会活动,不但推动了王阳明心学理论的发展,也使学术思想得到传承,并广泛流传于乡村社会。在学术思想草根化过程中,王门学者又将之与地方宗族紧密结合,在加快了宗族内部整合的同时,也使宗族更主动地承担起乡里的责任,如主持地方公共事务、教化乡里,维护乡村社会秩序,甚至为乡村利益而与政府谈判。江右王门的代表人物邹守益及其家族以书院为依托,以讲会为形式,以乡村事务为己任,不仅将学术思想转化为＂化乡＂理念,付诸于乡村社会实践之中;而且整合并凝聚了王门学者团体,成为重要的地方＂清议＂力量。     

社会心理学视域中的“社会认同”

社会认同理论是二十世纪八十年代以后逐渐兴起的社会心理学理论。伴随着全球化浪潮与社会认同、自我认同危机的逐渐显现,社会认同理论逐渐蔓延到社会学、政治学、民族学、人类学等社会科学研究之中,成为当代社会、文化、族群心理研究的重要理论之一。为了使我们更好地了解、运用社会认同理论,本文从社会心理学的角度就社会认同的概念、内涵及形成机制、支撑体系进行了梳理。     

A Popular Public Theology

Abstract

The article begins by exploring what is meant by a popular public theology drawing on the work of the missiologist Werner Ustorf. A popular public theology refers to the informal and unofficial theological speech of society, distinct from the more formal theology of the Church and academy. Such popular public theology is found in contemporary culture, albeit often in diffuse and incoherent form. It is then argued that a popular public theology has an inbuilt relevance to the concerns of society, avoids problems associated with public theologians needing to be fluent in more than one academic discourse, and is not in danger of being reliant on the social sciences. Finally, it is suggested that by discussing the implications of cultural theological statements, public theologians are able to contribute critically to social and political debates.     

Desiring Sameness? The Rise of a Neoliberal Politics of Normalisation

Since the 1990s the dominant political discourse of social movements concerned with "sexual politics" has been that of seeking access into mainstream culture through demanding equal rights of citizenship. I focus on the changing politics of sexuality in the context of new forms of social governance associated with neoliberalism, central to which is professionalisation and particular forms of knowledge production. Changes in political organising, coupled with the growth in identity‐based consumption and the greater visibility of lesbians and gay men as consumer citizens, have provided a variety of opportunities for new professional careers. I discuss these developments and suggest that a key aspect of this increase in professionalisation is the construction of the gay and lesbian subject as part of a national and, in some instances, an international constituency. Finally, I consider how, in recent years, new forms of professionalisation of knowledge production about lesbians and gay men have emerged, not only in terms of political and market interests, but also in the academy.     

Feeling our way: academia,emotions and a politics of care

This paper aims to better understand the role of emotions in academia, and their part in producing, and challenging, an increasingly normalised neoliberal academy. It unfolds from two narratives that foreground emotions in and across academic spaces and practices, to critically explore how knowledges and positions are constructed and circulated. It then moves to consider these issues through the lens of care as a political stance towards being and becoming academics in neoliberal times. Our aim is to contribute to the burgeoning literature on emotional geographies, explicitly bringing this work into conversation with resurgent debates surrounding an ethic of care, as part of a politic of critiquing individualism and managerialism in (and beyond) the academy. We consider the ways in which neoliberal university structures circulate particular affects, prompting emotions such as desire and anxiety, and the internalisation of competition and audit as embodied scholars. Our narratives exemplify how attendant emotions and affect can reverberate and be further reproduced through university cultures, and diffuse across personal and professional lives. We argue that emotions in academia matter, mutually co-producing everyday social relations and practices at and across all levels. We are interested in their political implications, and how neoliberal norms can be shifted through practices of caring-with.     

A challenge to the reigning theory of the just war

Troubled times often gives rise to great art that reflects those troubles. So too with political theory. The greatest work of twentieth century political theory, John Rawls's A theory of justice, was inspired in various respects by extreme social and economic inequality, racialized slavery and racial segregation in the United States. Arguably the most influential work of political theory since Rawls—Michael Walzer's Just and unjust wars—a sustained and historically informed reflection on the morality of interstate armed conflict—was written in the midst of the Vietnam War. It should be no surprise, then, that the bellicose period of the past 20 years should give rise to a robust new literature in political theory on the morality of armed conflict. It has been of uneven quality, and to some extent episodic, responding to particular challenges—the increased prevalence of asymmetric warfare and the permissibility of preventive or preemptive war—that have arisen as a result of specific events. In the past decade, however, a group of philosophers has begun to pose more fundamental questions about the reigning theory of the morality of armed conflict warfare—just war theory—as formulated by Walzer and others. Jeff McMahan's concise, inventive and tightly argued work Killing in war is without doubt the most important of these challenges to the reigning theory of the just war. This review article discusses McMahan's work, some of the critical attention it has received, and its potential implications for practice.     

解放战争时期胡适的政治思想与政治主张

胡适认为世界文化的主流和方向是争民主、争自由,自由主义是可以促进社会文明进步的理论,国民党已经开始向民主政治靠拢;他大力宣传自由主义,在国共斗争中支持国民党,反对共产党的政治理论和政权制度.     

Rationality and revolution

The article deals with the political thought of the young Spanish philosopher and intellectual, José Ortega y Gasset (1883–1955). The main aim is to examine to what extent his political thought was articulated in a systematic manner, and to understand if it was meant to be practically implemented. Ortega's political thought has been described as liberal on the one hand, and anti-democratic and conservative on the other. The disparities regarding Ortega's politics usually arise from his declarations, which aimed to confront the changing social and political situation in Spain. To many researchers, these declarations seem incoherent, evolutionary, or ideas that can be directly deduced from the evolution of his philosophical theory. The extent to which Ortega's political theory was systematic will be understood through focusing on the role designed for the Spanish intellectuals in Ortega's declarations and works. Instead of considering his political thought in relation to either his philosophy or the political events and changing circumstances in Spain, I will attempt to examine how, during the years of his youth, his political declarations were always guided by a consistent feature with a practical political purpose: to challenge the Spanish intellectuals to promote social awareness of and reflection on the country's problems, and to consider potential solutions to these problems.     

The "Trial" of Lee Benson: Communism, White Chauvinism, and The Foundations of the "New Political History" in the United States

Lee Benson was one of the first American political historians to suggest a “systematic” revision of traditional political history with its emphasis on narrow economic class analysis, narrative arguments, and over‐reliance on qualitative research methodologies. This essay presents Benson's contributions to the “new political history”—an attempt to apply social‐science methods, concepts, and theories to American political history—as a social, cultural, and political narrative of Cold War‐era American history. Benson belonged to a generation of ex‐Communist American historians and political scientists whose scholarship and intellectual projects flowed—in part—out of Marxist social and political debates, agendas, and paradigmatic frameworks, even as they rejected and revised them. The main focus of the essay is the genesis of Benson's pioneering study of nineteenth‐century New York state political culture, The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy, with its emphasis on intra‐class versus inter‐class conflict, sensitivity to ethnocultural determinants of political and social behavior, and reliance on explicit social‐science theory and methodology. In what follows, I argue that The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy has its roots in Benson's Popular Front Marxist beliefs, and his decade‐long engagement and subsequent disenchantment with American left‐wing politics. Benson's growing alienation from Progressive historical paradigms and traditional Marxist analysis, and his attempts to formulate a neo‐Marxism attentive to unique American class and political realities, are linked to his involvement with 1940s radical factional politics and his disturbing encounter with internal Communist party racial and ideological tensions in the late 1940s at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York.