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This article is a preliminary exploration of the effects of Covid-19 in Silicon Valley, one of three pandemic ‘hotspots’ on America’s west coast. In particular, it describes how the crisis has deepened and magnified social and economic inequalities in a region where poverty, homelessness and gentrification are rife. Despite the fact that many technology firms are reaping massive profits in the wake of ‘shelter in place’ orders, many Silicon Valley workers have lost their jobs and are struggling to cope with the consequences of Covid-19. The article also analyzes the different meanings of ‘lockdown’ by comparing examples from China, Brazil, Taiwan and the United States. The authors conclude that anthropologists have a significant role to play in helping to understand how and why communicable diseases emerge, the underlying social and environmental conditions that fuel them and cross-cultural strategies for the effective mitigation of epidemics and pandemics.  相似文献   

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Two noted political geographers examine the results of surveys in the "de facto" states of Abkhazia and South Ossetia conducted in 2010. They assess the migration intentions of their residents, the likely destinations and motivations for planned departures, as well as the dramatic population decline due to emigration and expulsion of Georgian residents after wars in the early 1990s. Discussed are economic dislocations, the breakaway republics' uncertain geographical status, as well as improvements in security and economic conditions due to Russian military guarantees and massive economic aid that followed the 2008 wars with Georgia. The authors utilize key predictors derived from hypotheses about the push and pull forces affecting the decision to migrate (socio-demographic, war experiences, and attitudes about the "de facto" state prospects) to develop explanatory models of migration for each territory before deriving a pooled set of explanations. Both surveys suggest the likelihood that the majority of potential migrants have already left. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: F220, F510, I300, J110, O150. 1 figure, 7 tables, 59 references.  相似文献   

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硅谷文化的中心思想,是一种"凡事都有可能"的态度,硅谷的全部文化归纳为两个字:变化.具体内容包括:创新是美国硅谷的首要战略;平等宽松的理念是硅谷文化的重要组成部分;鼓励冒险、宽容失败的硅谷文化激发了员工勇于探索的创新热情;竞争、开放的环境是硅谷成功的重要因素;相互作用、相互影响的经济生态系统是硅谷企业成功奥秘之所在.硅谷的发展模式虽然不能完全复制,但可以借鉴.  相似文献   

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This paper explores the relationship between the ‘Church’ and the ‘State’ in the Visigothic kingdom of sixth- and seventh-century Spain. The authors examine the copious legal material from this period – both church council records and royal legislation – to see what it reveals about the significant degree of interpenetration of the two spheres. For example, the royal laws gave bishops an important role in the supervision of judges, while a church council could not be called without the permission of the king, who often attended along with his officials and set the agenda for the meetings. There has been significant debate on this issue over the past two centuries, and the authors' analysis will be situated accordingly. The extent to which the Visigothic evidence emerges out of late Roman practices and precedents or is independent of it will also be addressed.  相似文献   

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This article investigates the policy feedback and political learning effects of school vouchers. Of particular interest is how market‐based policies affect the likelihood that program participants will connect their experiences with the policy to the government. I examine parent survey data from an evaluation of the Milwaukee school voucher program. I find that voucher parents are more likely than public school parents to perceive that the government has influenced their child's schooling and to believe that their experiences with their child's school have taught them about how government works. Further, voucher parents report that their experiences with the policy have made them more politically active. While majorities of voucher and public school parents support increased public school expenditures, there is some evidence that school vouchers may decrease support for public schools.  相似文献   

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Recent research at Qasr Ibrim in Egyptian Nubia shows that, during the last 3000 years, this hill-top site commanding a long stretch of the Nile in the First Cataract region was usually controlled by polities centered further to the south — Napatan, Meroitic and Christian. Even when controlled by northerners — Greek, Roman or Turkish — is was still a frontier post. It is suggested that this evidence, showing that the frontier between the states dominating the Lower and Middle Nile was located as far north as the First Cataract, helps explain the lack of Mediterranean influence in the Upper Nile basin and, beyond, in sub-Saharan Africa. The Nubian Corridor was, in fact, blocked so far north that it is best described as a cul de sac.
Résumé Les recherches menées à Qasr Ibrim dans la Nubie égyptienne ces dernières années montrent que ce site, qui domine du sommet d'une colline une partie assez grande du Nil dans la région de la première cataracte, a été controlé pendant les trois derniers millénaires par une série de royaumes dont les centres se situaient plus au sud — royaumes de Napata et Meröe, royaume chrétien. Qasr Ibrim restait un poste frontière même quand il passait sous contrôle des peuples du nord — grecques, romains ou turques. Ces données, qui montrent que la frontière entre les royaumes qui dominaient le bas Nil et ceux qui dominaient le moyen Nil se trouvaient très au nord jusqu'à la première cataracte, peuvent nous aider à comprendre l'absence d'influences méditerranéennes dans le bassin de l'haut Nil et au délà, dans l'Afrique au sud du Sahara. A vrai dire, le coloir nubien était barré autant au nord qu'il mérite d'être considéré plutôt comme une impasse.
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Several researchers have suggested use of watercraft during the Early Paleoindian period 11,500 and 10,800 rcybp (13,400–12,700 cal B.P.), but none have brought empirical data to bear on this possibility. This paper addresses the potential for fluted point-making groups to have made and used boats circa 11,000 rcybp (13,000–12,800 cal B.P.). Fluted point data from a large region of the upper and central Mississippi River valley strongly suggest that the Mississippi River was a barrier to movement and that Early Paleoindians in the midcontinent did not routinely use watercraft.  相似文献   

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In this article I analyse how a number of Italian, left-wing youth groups (centri sociali) reacted to the earthquake that struck the Emilia-Romagna region in 2012, forcing thousands of people to relocate into the tendopoli camps run by the Italian Civil Protection (Protezione Civile). The centri sociali promoted an alternative, grassroots project of emergency management which built both on a negative, collective memory of the problematic reconstruction process following the 2009 earthquake in L'Aquila, and on the role model of the No Tav protest movement in Piedmont. This led the centri sociali to move away from the urban territory and from the global battles that have long marked radical left-wing political activism, engaging instead in a more locally rooted project that clashes with the die-hard image of left-wing antagonism. Why have these groups taken their battle into the country side? Are we witnessing a (re)turn to a more local protest culture?  相似文献   

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Study of the Lincolnshire towns of Boston and Grimsby throws light on the question of borough status in the middle ages. Both towns shared the basic liberties which made urban life possible in the middle ages: personal and tenurial freedom, freedom from tolls and other economic privileges such as the right to hold fairs and markets. Although contemporaries had no clear definition of ‘the borough’ and boroughs were not a distinct legal category, historians have profitably employed this concept to draw attention to these fundamental tenurial and economic liberties. However, the privileges held by individual boroughs varied enermously. Royal boroughs, such as Grimsby, tended to be marked by an administrative independence where the community of burgesses were free to elect their own mayors and bailiffs, and paid salaried officials from a common purse. In many seignorial boroughs, including Boston, the burgesses enjoyed less self government. Here the town's overlords maintained a more active interest in administration through their control of the town courts and their appointment of officers. Nevertheless there is little evidence for conflict between lords and burgesses at Boston (as there was in many monastic boroughs) and the town flourished. Urban liberties were the essential pre-condition of town life but there was no necessary correlation between urban growth and town franchises. Boston was a wealthier and more populous town than Grimsby and yet enjoyed less administrative independence. The extent of urban liberties reflected lordship rather than economic importance.  相似文献   

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