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Raymond Martin 《History and theory》2000,39(3):405-416
Book reviewed in this article:
The Degradation of American History , by David Harlan. 相似文献
The Degradation of American History , by David Harlan. 相似文献
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第二次世界大战结束后,德国,特别是联邦德国的政治家曾对希特勒和民族社会主义给德国和其他受害国人民带来的"灾难"进行过多种多样的反思和探讨。从总体上说,他们的认罪、道歉和赔偿的态度是比较真诚的,但不谐之音时时可闻,争论也非常激烈。政治家们对历史的认识,不仅与其个人修养、价值观和党派立场有密切联系,而且也与国内外的局势变化息息相关,并且往往表现出为现实政治服务的目的。历史反思与现实政治自始至终都是难分难解的。 相似文献
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Gabriella R. Montinola 《Development and change》1999,30(4):739-774
Under what conditions will politicians strengthen state capabilities through bureaucratic reform? This article presents a principal–agent model of state capacity that shows that unless competition to influence policy is largely confined to a single dimension, politicians have no incentive or ‘political will’ to adopt bureaucratic reform. The validity of this model is tested using the experience of the Philippines in the period 1946–72. It is found that politically relevant groups in the Philippines were competing to influence policy over issues of social welfare, economic nationalism and control over public spending, and that groups' demands over these issues failed to align along a single dominant dimension. Consistent with expectations derived from the principal–agent model, there were numerous calls for and attempts to improve bureaucratic performance, but the calls went unheeded and the attempts failed miserably. The study highlights a lesson of potential use to countries currently undergoing democratization. It argues that state capacity is not a function of insulating the state from societal forces, but rather of clarifying lines of authority and accountability in the hierarchy of principal–agent relationships between society, politicians and bureaucrats. 相似文献
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The public outcry heard in the wake of the Ratcliffe Highway murders of December 1811 was muted by May 1812 when the 1812 Night Watch Bill died in the house of commons. Responding to the moral panic following the murder of two East End families, the home office gathered considerable information and input from the professional police magistrates and local authorities before proposing the reform of parochial night watch in much of metropolitan London. Nevertheless the bill ran into concerted opposition on grounds of practicality as well as of ideology. A close study of its trajectory through parliament illuminates the role of parliament as a broker for conflicting demands emanating from differing concepts of the public good. The failure of the Night Watch Bill adds significantly to our understanding of the genesis of legislative initiatives, calling into question whether it is possible to distinguish accurately whether particular bills originated from back- or front-bench activity as well as to our knowledge of the relationship between parliamentary activity, ministerial objectives and public opinion. 相似文献
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在社会转型的背景下,当代大学生的道德责任出现了缺失甚至淡化现象。本文从道德选择的角度分析了大学生道德责任缺失产生的原因,提出道德选择下大学生道德责任承担的必然性问题,并指出新形势下加强大学生道德责任教育的重要性。 相似文献
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Studies of gender and politics have typically been studies of women and politics. In contrast, this paper places men at the centre of its inquiry by drawing on interviews with 15 current federal male politicians. Of concern is exploring the ways in which men conceptualise the question of gender equity in the Australian parliament. Three frameworks are identified in the men's narratives. These are that the parliament is a masculinised space but that this is unavoidable; that the parliament is now feminised and women are advantaged; and that the parliament is gender neutral and gender is irrelevant. It is argued that collectively these framing devices operate to mask the many constraints which exist to marginalise women from political participation and undermine attempts to address women's political disadvantage as political participants. The paper concludes by highlighting the significance of the paper beyond the Australian context and calling for further research which names and critiques political men and their discourses on gender and parliamentary practices and processes. 相似文献
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Researcher in African history Nakanyike B. Musisi 《The Journal of religious history》1999,23(1):51-74
This article advances three arguments. First, that prior to European intrusion in the mid-1800s, "Buganda" and "Mugandaness" were continually contested ideologies whose meanings were not given but discursively constructed and reconstructed in conditions of historical specificity. Second, that "Baganda" as an identity, was first constructed in the early travellers' journals. Later on missionaries and Buganda's leading chiefs appropriated the construct "Buganda" and actively participated in its elaboration and refinement as it was later to be used and popularized in the twentieth century. Third, that Buganda identity was constructed through the active silencing of the disruptive relations of ethnicity, of gender, and of class. In the celebration of an ethnic identity, inequalities and oppression were glossed over. Out of a confrontation with the "other," Buganda identity was carefully and powerfully articulated by the Christian middle-class men who, from 1900, dominated the newly created ruling council of Buganda, called the Lukiiko. These men claimed to speak for the Buganda "nation" and on behalf of others. Their search for a secure identity was built on their assertion of their superiority over the "decadent" sub-nationalities; over all non-royal females and over all others who were not Christians, male and middle class. In examining the historical dynamics of identity, it is important to look beyond the illusion of a Buganda "Christian nation" to investigate articulations and manipulations of class, gender, ethnicity, and nationality. 相似文献
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笔者通过查阅大量资料,对李寿墓壁画仪仗出行图中黑鬣白马、五旒旗上所绘蹲兽的名称和身份以及懿德太子墓道壁画所绘宦官的官职、章怀太子墓壁画中武士的身份等级等均进行了再定名和考证;同时在结合前人研究成果的基础上,对被学术界普遍认为是盆景的章怀太子墓壁画侍女所捧之物应为唐代美食的观点提供了新的理论支持。 相似文献
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20世纪最初的十年 ,天津金融市场接连发生六七次金融风潮。这些金融风潮有着各自不同的原因和背景 ,但其深层次原因在于 ,在天津对外贸易发展的过程中金融业自身发展的不足。主要表现在金融业基础的脆弱 ,金融制度的混乱及制度变迁的滞后。面对一次次金融风潮 ,天津官商共同寻求应对策略 ,但更多的是针对性的对策 ,而较少具有根本意义的制度性建设。这一切都表明天津金融市场面临这样的变局所显现出的明显的不适应 相似文献
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Shinsuke Satsuma 《Parliamentary History》2013,32(2):317-336
During the War of the Spanish Succession (1702–13), there were attempts to support colonial maritime war by legislation, and the American Act of 1708 can be seen as their culmination. Historians who study privateering or colonial history have referred to this act in several contexts, such as reform in prize administration, naval impressment in American colonies, and Spanish‐American trade. However, the political and economic interests behind this act have not been fully investigated. By examining the process of the enactment of the American Act together with antecedent attempts to promote colonial maritime war in parliament, this article reveals the political and vested interests involved in the act, the relations between them, and the influence they had on the content of the act. This analysis will show the complex interaction between politics, trade, and colonial maritime war in the early‐18th‐century American colonies. 相似文献
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本讨论了广元唐代石窟造像中的释迦多宝造像和殊菩萨造像。前大体属于开元后期至天宝前期的作品,后的年代约当中、晚唐时期。它们具有鲜明的时代特点,而这些时代特点所凸显的,正是广元唐代石窟造像与唐代两京地区的密切关系。研究表明,广元的释迦多宝造像可能是盛唐时期京师地区天台宗中兴影响下的产物,而殊菩萨造像则可能与中唐以后京师地区殊信仰的勃兴直接相关。 相似文献
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非物质文化遗产保护是一项全人类、全社会卷入的公共文化事业,需要各方面主动扮演相应的角色、发挥各自的优势、承担特定的责任。把各个方面建构成积极有为的身份,就成为非遗保护的一项颇有建设价值的理论工作。其中,以"主体"身份看待相关的各个方面,是一项有益的尝试。界定非遗的主体与非遗保护的主体,实际上也是探索建立非遗保护这项公共文化事业的分工合作的身份框架。 相似文献