Lake Pedder's Loss and Failed Restoration: Ecological Politics Meets Liberal Democracy in Tasmania

The flooding of Lake Pedder in South West Tasmania for hydro-electricity in the early 1970s is recognised as one of the world's great ecological tragedies. The hope for its restoration, long held by some, has been given impetus by the activities of Pedder 2000, a nation-wide restoration lobby group founded in 1994. The legitimacy, feasibility and desirability of Pedder's restoration has been acknowledged, if not endorsed, by a recent federal inquiry. Restoration proponents see Pedder's recovery not only as a means of making amends for past follies, but as a new millennium project that offers hope to future generations. This paper reviews Pedder's inundation and the efforts towards its recovery, and finds little support for restoration in the absence of compelling economic and political benefit. This is cause to reflect, it is argued, upon the difficulties that ecological politics has encountered within Tasmania that saw Lake Pedder dammed in the first place.     

World Making,Critical Pedagogies,and the Geographical Imagination: Where Youth Work Meets Participatory Research

Renewed interest in the critical geographies of education has raised productive yet under‐examined synergies with reflections taking place among radical youth work and participatory research practitioners. In particular, such intersections point to important ways that the geographical imagination might advance a critical yet creative means of learning through the living material forces of everyday worlds. This paper examines this common ground through a collaborative, London‐based case study exploring young people's sense of home and belonging in the inner‐city. It argues that cross‐overs between the praxis of participatory research and youth work offer generative potential to act alongside young people in the production of autonomous geographical knowledges. Specifically, the case is made for prioritising an imaginative, experiential and intersubjective pedagogical process of “world making”, as an alternative to practices that intervene in, act upon and ultimately “other” the everyday lives of young people.     

战后中共“和平、民主、团结”总方针的确定及其转变

抗日戗争胜利后,中共中央在“七大”方针的基础上,确定了走和平发展道路及“和平、民主、团结’’的总方针。此后,中共中央领导解放区军民,以自卫战争的形式,对国民党消灭人民军队和解放区的企图与发起的进攻进秆了坚决斗争;同时,中共中央也做了一定的妥协和让步以争取和平建国。蒋介石发动全面内战后,中共中央虽尽最大努力仍无法求得和平,遂于1946年11月最终放弃了“和平、民主、团结”总方针及对和平发展道路的选择,而改行“打倒蒋介石”方针,从而完成了共产党和解放区军民由自卫战争向人民解放战争的最终转变。     

The Royal Indian Navy Mutiny of 1946: Nationalist Competition and Civil-Military Relations in Postwar India

This article argues for the importance of the Royal Indian Navy mutiny of 1946 in two key aspects of the transition towards Indian independence: civilian control over the Indian military, and a competition for power between Congress and communists that undermined Indian workers and their student allies. The article begins with an investigation of the mutiny drawing on three sources: a first-person account from a lead mutineer, a communist history of the mutiny, and the papers published in the Towards Freedom collection. In 1946 a handful of low-ranking sailors sparked a naval mutiny that ultimately involved upwards of 20,000 sailors, and then crashed into the streets of Bombay with revolutionary fervour. The Communist Party in Bombay seized upon the mutiny as an opportunity to rally the working class against the British raj, with the hope of ending British rule through revolution rather than negotiation. Yet the mutiny proved less of a harbinger of what was ending and more of a bellwether for what was to come. Congress, sensing the danger of the moment, snuffed out support for the mutiny, and insisted on a negotiated transfer of power. Congress’s action thereby set a precedent for civilian dominance over the military in post-independence India. At the same time, however, Congress betrayed the effectiveness of some of organised labour’s strongest advocates, namely the Communist Party, Bombay students and Bombay labour, thereby undermining their costly mass protest, and hobbling them in future conflicts against Indian capitalists.     

战后中日关系研究的概况与问题--以中日两国的学术专著为中心

中国的战后中日关系研究基本上在历史学领域中展开,但实证研究仍需进一步的努力.而日本学者注意到国际政治学方法论的采用,强调了国际政治结构对中日关系的制约,但在史学研究方面还有不断把新史料纳入视野、在史学研究的基础上建构自己的国际政治学理论等方面的发展空间.相信整体性的过程研究和实证经验理论总结将使我们能够有基础和有信心尝试建立一些规范的分析概念,并通过这些概念对历史和思想演变的深层规律进行某种程度的哲学分析,即所谓理论的建构.