戊戌政变后的社会舆论

戊戌政变后,虽有统治者严酷的言禁,但社会各界仍对相继发生的事件相当关注,以各种方式和途径表达自己的见解和态度。当时参与较多的报纸,如《中外日报》、《国闻报》、《申报》、《知新报》和《清议报》等都刊登了相关报道和文章,从不同立场对政变作出各种反应和思考。与此同时,包括各级官员、各类知识分子和各界民众在内的社会各阶层人士,或公开或私下表达自己的意见和态度。这些出自各方面的舆论,说明政变后的社会舆论比较复杂,反映了社会各阶层对时局的不同主张以及先进与落后势力的复杂斗争。     

Understanding the July 2016 Military Coup: The Contemporary Security Dilemma in Turkey

This study explores the link between religious identity and conflict in contemporary Turkey by examining the dramatic reversals in the relations between the country’s two prominent Islamic social forces, the ruling party AKP and the Gülen Organization. It shows how a particular trajectory of power and identity between the two religious forces transformed into a brutal security competition in the Turkish society and polity. It puts the analytical foci on the following puzzle: how did the Gülen community — once a confidential ally of AKP — turn into a coup plotter in the Turkish military to bring down the elected government? In order to explore the puzzle, the study offers significant departures from the standard approaches to religious identity and conflict by employing a distinct concept — the inter‐societal security dilemma.     

'Chiefs and Thieves and Other People Besides': The Making of George Speight's Coup

In August 1899, US Naval and Marine forces arrived on Guam to establish an American military government that would replace more than two centuries of Spanish colonial rule. Within the first month of Captain Richard Leary's term as naval governor, he directed a number of decisive actions specifically against the Roman Catholic Church. These included a ban on the annual celebration of village fiestas, a prohibition on the ringing of church bells and, most dramatically, the expulsion of the island's Spanish priests. While the existing scholarship interprets these events as political actions to establish a uniquely American governmental system that enforces the separation of Church and State, this paper interrogates an additional array of intersecting economic and cultural issues to tell a story about some of the desires and anxieties regarding colonialism, capitalism, and nationalism in the Pacific.     

The Causes of Iran's 1953 Coup: A Critique of Darioush Bayandor's Iran and the CIA

This article presents a detailed criticism of Darioush Bayandor's book Iran and the CIA. Bayandor argues that certain Shi'a clerics, rather than the US Central Intelligence Agency, were the main actors responsible for overthrowing Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq in August 1953. Bayandor presents no major new evidence to support this claim. He gives too much weight to certain statements, draws unwarranted inferences from others, and discounts or disregards a wealth of evidence that conflicts with his account. He overemphasizes the role of civilian crowds in the overthrow of Mosaddeq and underemphasizes the role of Iranian military units organized by the CIA. And he fails to acknowledge the importance of US and especially British efforts to foment opposition to Mosaddeq before the coup.     

Feared Rumours and Rumours of Fear: The Politicisation of Ethnicity During the Fiji Coup in May 2000

In this article I explore rumour and fear as crucial to the politicisation of ethnicity and the attempt of ethno‐nationalists to gain political hegemony during the coup in Fiji in May 2000. I discuss rumours during the Fiji crisis as emotional discourses articulating fears and anxieties that have influenced interethnic relations in Fiji since the indenture of Indian labour. I argue that these feelings of fear and insecurity are linked historically to issues of land, demography and race and investigate how the George Speight Team and Fijian ethno‐nationalists aimed at reinforcing and foregrounding these emotions to mobilise support. I also look at the role of rumours and fear in the silencing of dissent and opposing voices. I ask how rumours were in dialogue with other discourses circulating at the height of the crisis and how they complemented ethno‐nationalist political strategies. I suggest that part of the political success of the George Speight Team stems from their effective engagement of different local, national and global levels to reinforce an old discourse of ethnic Fijian unity and fear of Indo‐Fijian colonisation around which they mobilised ethnically based political support. The effect of this ‘indigenous articulation’ was a polarisation of Fijian and Indo‐Fijian positionings in the nation.     

Past Contradictions,Contemporary Dilemmas: Egypt's 2013 Coup and Early Islamic History

To what extent is the present of Muslim societies influenced by their past? How do politics and historiography relate to each other in medieval and contemporary Islam? More specifically, can events from early Islamic history help us understand current events in Muslim countries? By discussing how some of these remote events have contributed to the emergence of certain political views, this article argues that they are still relevant to the present in Muslim countries (in our case here, Egypt) and can indeed help us understand an important part of the picture of a recent event that may have a long lasting influence on the present and future of both the country and the region where it occurred. This event was the removal of Egypt's first ever democratically elected president by a military coup on July 3, 2013, one year after he assumed office. By examining the various religious and political hermeneutic strategies used by some medieval and modern Sunni scholars to support or condemn certain acts of rebellion while opposing others, the article seeks to demonstrate — through the comparison of some of these strategies — the contradictory positions of medieval Sunni scholars regarding events from early Islam, and thus the dilemmas that their modern counterparts face when dealing with contemporary events.     

Nobody asked the mother: women and maternity on Simbo,western Solomon Islands

This article's focus is on the role of mothers in Simbo, one of the New Georgia islands in the western Solomon Islands. Mother's role is examined from the standpoint of the actual experiences of motherhood and mother's perceptions and reactions to child rearing, child care, burdensome tasks, and social participation. Anthropological studies emphasize non-Western notions of maternity or romanticize the primitive. Obscured in the process is who these women really are. Western feminist accounts of Third World women emphasize the oppression and uniformity of the "natural" mother. This characterization of Simbo women is presented as a single non-Western view and is unrelated to a global vision. Simbo women as mothers feel oppressed and are envious of Western notions of parenting, yet at the same time feel that Western child rearing deprives the child. Maternity is a state of ambivalence, where women feel both love for and oppression by children, spouses, and other women. The tasks and responsibilities of childbearing are more difficult because of increased fertility and changes in social practices. Women without children are viewed with sympathy and mild condescension. Changes in social practices are in part due to the presence of missionaries after 1903 and the over 200 year involvement of the islands in world trading. The most significant impact on women post-Christianity is the change from the emphasis on female-child relationships to male-female relationships. Pre-Christianity, marriage ceremonies stressed equality of spouses and their kin groups. New customs emphasize brideprice and the husband's authority over women's bodies. The change in power affects fertility levels, child care, women's work, and contraception. Men today do less labor relative to women and, when husbands are absent due to temporary labor migration, women may not have any help. The nuclear family is responsible for all labor. Women specifically tend the gardens and house, care for children, and care for ill members of the family. The concept of maternity changes with the stage in the life cycle. The first child is the easiest because grandmothers help with infant care. Children are both indulged and then resented when the demands interfere with activities or the children are too difficult.     

“九三0”事件后中国对印尼归难侨救济安置工作论析

论文根据近年来广东省档案馆陆续公布的档案资料,对“九三0”事件后中国救济安置印尼归难侨工作的具体过程进行了梳理,并对此项工作的重要意义进行了探讨。主要观点有：广东省是难侨的主要安置点;在印尼反华排华及美苏共同推动国际社会反华的背景下,中国政府对印尼归难侨采取的救济安置措施,具有维护中国海外侨民权益和国家外交利益的双重意义;该项工作是“文革”期间最大规模的归难侨救济安置活动,在推动国内归难侨救援机制发展方面,特别是归难侨侨生安置和华侨农场机制发展方面发挥了积极作用。     

志稿政治质量方面应重视的几个问题

志稿政治质量应重视几个问题：民族问题,即56个民族都是统一的多民族国家的成员,民族称谓与民族之间的战争问题,中国的称谓;宗教问题,即分清反动会道门与宗教的区别,宗教内部事务与依法管理,宗教的本质和功能;正确记述义和团和传教士问题。     

从“抗黎”到“拒张”:北洋督军与“宣战案”政潮

1917年,北洋督军在“宣战案”政潮中前后活动的重心出现由“对抗中央”到“拒止张勋”的转向,这与张勋对督军的蒙蔽、算计及段祺瑞的时局主张有关.在此过程中,督军之于复辟也由认可转变为拒止.若横向考察督军内部的派别倾向,则知除段、冯两派外,还有若干“中间督军”,他们在政潮中的步调差异折射出北洋团体松散、疏离的趋向.回顾以往史著,多将种种阴谋加诸各督与段祺瑞,但在实际情形中,形势与人心往往令当局者有所瞻顾,单从阴谋角度解读,未必符合实际.     

部落与民族主义的竞逐——1953年法国在摩洛哥的政变与格拉维部落的兴衰

部落构成了中东社会生活的一个重要层面,是理解中东国家必不可少的视角。1953年,法国在摩洛哥发动政变,废黜了支持民族主义力量的苏丹穆罕默德五世。格拉维部落在此期间经历了兴衰起落。此次政变集中反映了摩洛哥国内部落和民族主义力量对国家政权的竞逐,是观察中东地区部落和国家间复杂逻辑关系的典型个案。摩洛哥传统势力的代表格拉维部落与国家间关系表现出复杂形态:部落利用国家力量实现崛起,部落对抗民族主义力量发动政变企图控制国家,最后部落被国家抛弃而衰落。在部落和民族主义竞逐国家政权的过程中,法国殖民者成为二者沉浮的决定性因素和制衡力量。由于部落对国家认同的脆弱性,殖民主义政权得以通过玩弄部落认同对殖民地进行分而治之。     

当前续志编写中值得注意的几个问题--兼评《商丘地区志(续卷)》稿

《商丘地区志(续卷)》稿存在五点共性问题：采用条目体存在一些不可避免的缺陷,建议采用章节与条目结合体;分类上存在不科学之处及缺类缺项;内容上对改革记述过简、平面化、格式化,且存在宣传色彩和政治色彩;条目撰写缺乏资料性、典型性,也存在缺项;未对前志进行补遗。     

再论戊戌政变中袁世凯的"告密"问题

戊戌政变中袁世凯的“告密”是聚讼百年仍未能定谳的疑案。是案历经政治、道德和学术的评判阶段,具体而微地映证出近代学界在重大“问题人物”的研究中所走过的颇具共相的曲折历程。关于是案,笔者既不同意八月初五日（９．２０）袁世凯回津告密是引出次日政变原因的旧说;也不接受袁世凯告密并没有引出政变而只是引出“戊戌六君子”被害的新解。笔者以为：袁世凯是告密了,但不是在初五日返回天津之后,而是在见到谭嗣同后的初四日（９．１９）,袁告密是造成慈禧提前回宫发动政变的最直接原因。     

第二轮志书人物篇编纂中应注意的若干问题

提要：本文通过对目前的一些人物篇志稿的考察,认为第二轮志书人物篇编纂还存在着如下一些问题：详略不当,资料欠缺,情感过浓,籍贯混乱,记述不合志体,文字粗糙,记述雷同等等。希望第二轮志书编者能注意到这些问题,并尽量避免。