中央苏区时的周恩来与毛泽东

在中共苏维埃根据地时期,“左”的思想曾占有统治地位,时任红一方面军总政委及苏区代理书记的毛泽东受到了批评和排斥。1932年10月,毛泽东总政委一职被临时中央解除,由中共苏区中央局书记周恩来取代之。这就流传一种说法:在中央苏区时的主要矛盾是周恩来与毛泽东之间的矛盾,前者夺了后者的军权。事实果真如此吗?《中央苏区时的周恩来与毛泽东》作了详述。     

历史时刻

正1929年4月,针对共产国际和中共党内某些人担心农村斗争超过城市斗争将不利于中国革命的观点,毛泽东指出:半殖民地中国的革命,只有农民斗争得不到工人的领导而失败,没有农民斗争的发展超过工人的势力而不利于革命本身的。1930年1月,毛泽东在《星星之火,可以燎原》一文中进一步指出:红军、游击队和红色区域的建立和发展,是半殖民地中国在无产阶级领导之下的农民斗争的最高形式和半殖民地农民斗争发展的必然结果,并且无疑义地是促进全国革命高潮的最重要因素。以毛泽东为书记的中共红四军前敌委员会还明确地提出了"农村工作是第一步,城市工作是第二步"的思想。     

关于博古不让毛泽东随队长征问题的一点探讨

由于毛泽东与以博古为首的中共临时中央存在矛盾与分歧,所以许多关于长征著述都提到当时博古并不准备让毛泽东随队转移,是经过周恩来的争取毛泽东才走上了长征路;当时干部的去留博古有很大的发言权,但不能说是"博古设阴谋,借蒋介石之手除政敌";博古是革命者犯错误,与毛泽东是同志而不是敌我,他们之间的分歧不是要不要革命而是如何革命。     

万方乐奏有于阗:纪念新疆和平解放暨中国人民解放军进军新疆50周年

１９４９年９月２５日、２６日,新疆警备总司令陶峙岳、新疆省政府主席包尔汉,分别率领国民党新疆军政人员通电宣布起义。新疆实现和平解放;１９５０年３月,中国人民解放军将五星红旗插到承化（阿勒泰）和帕米尔高原上,最终完成了对新疆的历史性进军。 新疆的和平解放,是毛泽东、周恩来亲自部署的。早在１９４９年３月,中共七届二中全会在西柏坡召开之际,毛泽东、朱德、周恩来、任润弼时、彭德怀和贺龙就解放新疆问题,与参加会议的第一野战军第一兵团司令员王震交谈,向他“说明进军新疆的战略意义,鼓励我们发扬红军不怕艰难的革…     

“行动的指针”:战时延安的中国历史书写

从1941年开始,中共在延安陆续出版面向各个层级的中国史读物,一方面利用历史知识作为现实行动的思想资源,另一方面要与国民党竞争历史解释权。延安的中国历史书写深受斯大林、毛泽东的影响。《联共(布)党史简明教程》构成了中共史学的方法论基础,将中国历史改造成普世性的社会发展史;毛泽东直接介入延安的写史读史活动,确立“为民众写民众的历史”“暴露敌人,歌颂人民”“史学配合政治诉求”的叙事原则。随着中共革命的胜利,延安的历史读物,如范文澜《中国通史简编》、许立群《中国史话》、叶蠖生《中国历史课本》、张思俊《史地课本》等,从地方推向全国,借助各种管道,层层渗透,形塑了几代人的国史记忆。     

毛泽东与新政治协商会议

毛泽东与新政治协商会议鲁振祥从１９４８年５月至１９４９年９月,伴随人民解放军大进军的隆隆炮声而在全国兴起的召开新的政治协商会议（下简称新政协）,是中国历史上一次伟大的民主运动,它直接催动了新中国的诞生。毛泽东是新政协的发动者和自始至终的组织者、领导者...     

张国华:第一位进西藏的我军高级将领

1950年1月,中共西南局书记邓小平以及刘伯承、贺龙传达了毛泽东关于“进军西藏宜早不宜迟”的指示,决定由张国华率领第十八军执行解放西藏的伟大历史任务。由此,张国华翻开人生崭新的一页,伴随着“让幸福之花开遍西藏”誓言的实现,张国华的功绩也得到了毛泽东、周恩来等党和国家领导人的肯定。     

毛泽东与社会主义的中国

研究毛泽东与社会主义的中国的关系,首先应关注毛泽东在建国后所面对的国际国内环境,从他所处的环境出发,研究其探索建设道路的思想脉络。概括讲毛泽东在建国以后主要抓了三件大事,即:抓建设,使中国赢得大国地位,巩固无产阶级政权。毛泽东晚年犯错误的原因,主要在于对社会主义的理解和国际共产主义运动的观察出现了偏差,对国内政治状况、社会主义的主要矛盾和对党内意见分歧的定性处理上出现了错误。     

“特工之王”李克农

李克农是我军功勋卓又带有几分神秘色彩的高级将领。1926年,在毛泽东、李大钊等中共早期领导人进步思想的熏陶影响下,他加入了中国共产党,并逐步显示出了非凡的地下工作才干。不久,李克农开始从事和领导党的秘密工作,他的一生也从此与中共历史上的许多重要事件联系在了一起,并且他在“背后”发挥了举足轻重作用。新中国成立后,没有带过兵、打过仗的李克农被毛泽东授予上将军衔,成为一名从“寂静战场”上走出来的特殊将军,并获得了红色“特工王”的美名。     

雪山名将张国华

1949年中华人民共和国成立以后,党中央、毛泽东主席就发出了"进军西藏宜早不宜迟"的指示,决定从二野九个军中抽一个充足的军来担负这一神圣任务。经刘伯承、邓小平反复考虑研究,确定由张国华任军长的第18军进军西藏。刘、邓首长让18军担任进藏任务的报告,很快得到了党中央、毛泽东的批准。并成立了以张国华为书记的中共西藏工委会。从此,张国华和西藏结下了不解之缘。     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.