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当今世界高技术产业发展迅猛,带来巨大的经济效益。高技术产业是一种资金密集型与技术密集型产业,所以高技术产业的布局与传统产业不同,具有自己的特征。 相似文献
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本文拟对影响高校思想政治教育发展的主客观因素进行全方位分析,以期为促进高校思想政治教育的发展提供理论上的佐证。 相似文献
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中东是个独特的政治地理区域,90年代以来正在走向多极化。影响中东地缘政治的因素丰富多样,本文对其中的地理位置、国土、自然资源、民族、宗教、地区霸权等最重要的因素进行了简要的论述。并在提出国家影响力、地缘政治影响力概念的基础上,设计了简明的公式,对中东地缘政治稳定度作了定量探讨,文间还结合当前中东政局中的重大问题和主要特征进行了分析。 相似文献
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在15世纪的亚非海面上,伟大的中国航海家郑和率领着当时世界上最庞大、最先进的船队,肩负着明帝国君主所赋予的重任,冲破狂涛巨浪,克服重重困难,奔波于各国,从事外交活动。郑和七下西洋,历时近30年,他以坚韧不拔的毅力和顽强不屈的斗志取得了外交上光照史册的成就。伟大成就的取得,不只是郑和个人的功劳,而是多方面因素综合作用的结果。本仅从政治方面对此作一探析,并祈指教。 相似文献
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交通和邮电是基础设施建设的重要内容,首届志书大多将它们捆在一起立题记述。而续志设交通运输和信息产业志,分别增加记述分量,是对交通邮电内容的深化和拓展。 相似文献
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本文简要介绍了西方政治学研究中关于政治现代化与政治发展的有关理论论述,梳理了各学派的有关思想.同时,探讨了政治现代化与政治发展之间的相互关系,这些理论对我国的现代化建设具有一定的借鉴意义。 相似文献
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伴随着我国市场经济体制的建立和政治体制的改革,大学生的政治参与出现了一些新特点。总体上呈积极发展的趋势,但也出现了一些问题。大学生政治参与中存在的问题是多方面因素作用的结果,在此基础上,本文提出了加强和改进大学生政治参与的相关对策。 相似文献
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本文对科技地区布局的几个基本理论问题-科技地区布局的相关因素,基本原则、集中与分散进行了系统探讨;总结了我国科技活动地域分布的特点;并针对我国科技地区布局中存在的问题,提出了进一步调整的战略原则和调整的主要方向。 相似文献
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交通路线的发展,关系到人文地理因素,一个地区交通路线的发展分布,不仅和一个地区的社会政治、经济和文化的历史条件有密切的关系,也和一个地区的自然生态环境有不解之缘。关于历史时期岭南交通路线的发展,对于社会因素所带来的影响,过去的研究已经给予较充分的考虑与探讨。但是对于自然因素给历史时期岭南交通路线所带来的制约影响,似为忽略,本文希望能够在这1个问题上作更多的探讨。 相似文献
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非正式因素影响下的中小企业网络学习与区域发展——河南省偃师市翟镇针织业的研究 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
本文采用理论论述与实际调研分析相结合的研究方法,通过对位于河南省偃师市的\"针织之乡\"--翟镇的本地针织业网络的实地研究,着重从我国特殊的历史文化背景出发,深入探讨了中小企业的网络学习过程。笔者指出在翟镇针织业本地网络中的、受传统历史文化影响的、诸如面对面交流、接触这些非正式联系是学习的主要通道。通过网络中行为主体间积极的互动,知识不断的循环流转,最终实现了创新,构筑了区域不可低挡的竞争优势。这对我国其它地区传统产业区的发展具有一定的借鉴意义。 相似文献
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论孙中山对训政时期的政治设计 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
训政思想是孙中山关于中国革命与建设思想中的重要内容。孙中山在这一思想中对训政时期的民主政治建设进行了全面规划和设计,这是对中国的民主政治建设道路所进行的理论探索和框架性的建构设想,其中所体现的一些基本精神和原则是积极的、可贵的,但也有不足之处。 相似文献
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While rights and freedoms of sexual citizenship have been foregrounded in geography, vaguer attention has been given to questions of political obligation. Feminist work on political obligation, grounded with a framing in political ecology of disease, however, provides a means to correct this neglect. Empirically, I narrate a story of local public health politics in Seattle, WA. There, a cultural panic played out in the media over the alleged failure of political obligations by gay men around sexually transmitted infections. Political obligation and ecology usefully extend the concept sexual citizenship on its own terms by moving beyond a rights-versus-obligation polarity, highlighting the biophysical realities of sex, recognizing the spaces in which sex occurs, and noting the social relations inherent in sex and sexuality. Thus, this paper contributes to deeper thinking for activists involved in working through these questions as well as bolstering the notion of sexual citizenship in political geography. 相似文献
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一届政协筹备问题的若干考察 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
中国人民政治协商会议筹备期间,中共为适应形势的不断发展变化,与各民主党派、人民团体代表反复协商,对会议计划做了多次重要修改。至会议开幕,这次会议无论是名称、开会时间、地点,还是会议性质、召集办法、邀请党外人士的政治标准,都与中共最初的计划完全不同。 相似文献
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Marco Tarchi 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(2):135-181
The birth of the Alleanza nazionale and its rise to power in Berlusconi's 1994 and 2001 cabinets have attracted great interest. The evolution of the AN's political culture from 1995 to the present has received far less attention. The interest of scholars is dominated by concern over the number of fascist chromosomes inherited by the AN, and the way these influence its policy choices. The weight of history overlays the problems faced by the party in its attempt to establish an original identity. This article investigates the formation of the AN's political culture through an analysis of the official programmatic documents produced thus far by the party, putting each in the Italian political context at the time of its issue. The documents show that the AN is no longer a neofascist, extreme right or populist radical-right party, but its values and beliefs have not found a stable form. 相似文献
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一个国家的水陆交通与商业发展紧密联系在一起,交通越便利,商业越发达。中古时期英国的交通状况如何?目前在国内史学界还是一个冷僻的课题。要研究中古时期英国的商业经济,必然涉及到交通问题。根据近年来英国出版的相关文史资料,具体考察了12~14世纪期间英国的水陆通行及商业运输情况,提出了以下两点看法:一、由主干道即“王家大道”、地方道路和乡村小道所组成的陆路系统已经比较完整,可以保证商业运输的需要;大规模的陆路运输不仅可以有效组织,而且出现了比较高级的“公共运输人”。二、通航水路相当发达,尤其在东部地区水运河道密布,城市和大的集市都非常繁荣;水运价格也比陆运低得多。不可否认,以现代人的标准看,当时的水陆交通还障碍重重,运输效率不高。但是,这个时期英国的水陆交通条件已经为商业运输提供了必要保障。 相似文献
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We study the reproduction and change of participatory political culture by examining how immigrants' political engagement develops in the cross-pressure between their country of residence and their ancestral country. To explain patterns of political (re)socialization, we suggest a mechanism of proximity-conditioned social diffusion, which stipulates that immigrants' retention and adoption of a given participatory culture is a function of spatial and temporal proximity to native bearers of this culture, from which diffusion occurs. Analyzing the political participation of thousands of first and second generation immigrants in the European Social Survey (2002–2018), we find that immigrants come to adopt the participatory culture of their new country and lose that of their ancestral country through a symmetrical temporal process: having stayed longer in the destination country—either being a second generation immigrant or a first generation immigrant, who lived there longer—they adopt this participatory culture more strongly, while at the same time loosening their connection to the culture of the ancestral country. Spatial proximity to natives also conditions immigrants' adoption of the prevailing culture of the destination country as immigrants’ participatory inclinations resemble that of natives in their residential regions within the destination country. 相似文献
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Alexander B. Murphy 《Political Geography》1999,18(8):179
In their provocatively titled book, Living Together Separately, Michael Romann and Alex Weingrod argue that the shared terrain of Jerusalem obscures deep divisions in the physical and social lives of its Arab and Jewish ethnic communities (Romann & Weingrod, 1991). Multiple divisions exist not only among peoples sharing a common space; they are also found among communities of scholars sharing common intellectual interests. This has certainly been the case of Political Science and Political Geography during much of the twentieth century. Members of both disciplinary communities seek insights into the role of politics and political structures in human society, yet until recently they have pursued their work within orbits that only rarely intersected. They attended different conferences and symposia, they employed different methodological tools, and they did not draw heavily on each others published work.Recent theoretical and empirical developments have begun to erode the barriers separating Political Science and Political Geography, and a discussion of the relationship between the disciplines is thus both timely and welcome. Professor Elazar is an appropriate person to place at the center of this discussion, for his work as a political scientist is unusual sensitivity to geography. Professor Elazar's comments about research orientations and career constraints provide an interesting point of departure for such a discussion, but to understand the nature and depth of the divide between the disciplines it is important to consider the core intellectual constructs and practices that have characterized Political Science and Political Geography during the twentieth century. These have fostered theoretical orientations and research approaches that are sufficiently different from one another to create significant barriers to interdisciplinary contact. 相似文献
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Droughts are unlikely to influence support for political violence unless they coincide with unfavourable social and political conditions. In this article I suggest that support for violence in times of drought depends on people's relationship with their government and the way in which this relationship determines their vulnerability to adverse climatic shocks. Droughts impose serious economic pressures on affected people, especially in Sub-Saharan countries, where access to alternative sources of water is often limited. People who enjoy good relations with the sitting regime and who benefit from a wide range of public services are more likely to overcome these pressures. On the other hand, politically neglected, marginalised and disaffected people have many more difficulties in coping with drought and are likely to blame their government for it. This, in turn, can pave the way for endorsing more radical attitudes and even violence against the government and its (presumed) political supporters. The results of my analysis partly confirm this idea. Exposure to drought per se does not seem to influence attitudes towards political violence in a statistically significant way. However, I find both people who are politically discriminated against and people who do not trust their head of state to be more inclined to endorse political violence when hit by severe drought. These findings, which are consistent across a number of alternative model specifications, show that fragile state-citizen relations play an important part in the processes linking drought exposure and support for political violence. 相似文献